Full text of "The Nation 1947-06-28: Vol 164 Iss 26"

See other formats

26 104:

: VG June 28. 1947

(Can Dollars

that

5 Save Ejurope? oS
=| BY BLAIR BOLLES | Oss
Es Ds
: ee

ANS

bigotry in B_Flat p) %

BY HOWARD SUTTON

*
x
and
3 Meet Our Greek Allies
{ BY CONSTANTINE POULOS
Ye w
|

15 CENTS A COPY + EVERY WEEK SINCE 1865 - 6 DOLLARS A YEAR

Coming

IN EARLY ISSUES OF THE NATION

Charles Abrams

Author of “The Future of Housing,” former
general counsel to the N. Y. Housing Au-
thority and author of a recent Nation se

RACE BIAS in HOUSING

A documented, authoritative, and informative series in which Mr. Abrams will sug-
gest definitive measures, legislative and otherwise, for overcomiag the bigotry in
housing. His three articles will cover “The Great Hypocrisy,” an analysis of bias
in past and present housing; ‘Public and Private Segregation,” showing how the
racial tolerance upheld by public-housing authorities has been more successful than
the prejudices of private owners; and “A Working Plan.”

Harold J. Laski

HAS EUROPE A FUTURE?
THE AMERICAN CENTURY
ANALYSIS OF RUSSIAN PROBLEMS

Constantine Poulos

Two additional articles in his brilliant series which

THE FUTURE ECONOMY of the NEAR EAST
THE ANATOMY OF THE REACTION

[In Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Rumania, and Czechoslovakia]

started last weck.

Also Coming:

“Spain Has Two Faces,” another stirring report by Kay Boyle. Richard L. Neuberger,

“The Nation’s Northwest correspondent, is now in Alaska and will be sending dis-
patches from that last frontier. . . . The last two articles of a series by A. G. Mezerik
on the Southern states. . . . Leonard Engel, writer on science, will contribute an
article on “Bacteriological Warfare.”

I sug-
ry in
F bias
vy the
than

)

yer,
dis-

tik

Vatton

AMERICA’S LEADING LIBERAL

1865S

WEEKLY SINC8B

VOLUME 164

NEW YORK + SATURDAY «+ JUNE 238, 1947

NuMBER 26

The Shape of Things

THE PRESIDENT’S VETO OF THE LABOR BILL
has drawn a sharp issue at a point where it should be
drawn. Had political considerations and the knowledge
that he would almost certainly be overridden induced
him to let the bill pass into law unchallenged, then the
direst prophesies of an inevitable reactionary trend would
have been fulfilled. He has given American liberalism
the fighting chance that it seemed to have lost with the
death of Roosevelt. Not only did his action unite all
branches of the labor movement as a potentially power-
ful political force, but his clear-headed analysis of a bad
bill was a hopeful sign that the Administration was get-
ting back on the Roosevelt trail. Until now, President
Truman, in the interests of a phony conception of na-
tional unity, has attempted a working compromise with
the reactionary forces of both parties which are in effec-
tive control of Congress. The Republicans and Southern
Democrats should perhaps be thanked for putting their
position so baldly that, this time, compromise was impos-
sible. Now the fight begins, and it will carry on until the
votes are counted in '48. What must be remembered is
that the battle cannot be won by vetoes. A bad bill has
become bad law, and we may expect the consequences
the President predicted. But the resultant industrial strife
must not distract the labor and liberal movement from
the main task before it—the task of sending to Congress
in 1948 men who would be incapable of repeating what
the nation has witnessed in Washington this last weck.

+
TO THE REPUBLICANS, TAX REDUCTION IS

the supreme political issue, and it is not surprising that
they are both angered and dismayed by the President's
veto of H. R. 1. However, their wrath must have de-
stroyed their sense of logic or they would not, in one
breath, denounce Mr. Truman's action as ‘‘sheer poli-
tics” and claim it will insure their own triumph in 1948.
Actually, politics can hardly have been a motive for the
veto, since tax cuts are always popular, and in this case,
while they would have applied on an inequitable basis,
they would also have been widely spread. We believe,
therefore, that Mr. Truman deserves credit for both
courage and sincerity in challenging Congrcss on this
issue, although we are not prepared wholly to indorse

his reasoning. The message accompanying the veto de-

clared that the bill represented ‘the wrong kind of tax
reduction at the wrong time.’’ We agree with the first
part of the sentence but are not convinced that this is the
wrong time for some reduction in the government's
“take” from the national income. Mr. Truman cited
figures showing that we are still on the crest of the
boom, with the economy still subject to inflationary pres-
sures. But signs indicate that by fall, when tax reduction
would begin to have an effect, deflationary forces may be
gaining the upper hand. In this event, additional effec-
tive purchasing power in the pockets of consumers might
prove a useful stabilizing factor. That would require,
however, a bill very different from the one just vetoed.

»*
HARD UPON THE GREEK GOVERNMENT'S

note to tlfe United States promising the fullest coopera-
tion in carrying out the American-financed $300,000,000
rehabilitation plan came the word that seventeen former
E. L. A. S. soldiers had been executed in the Aegina
Island fortress. This news should be read as a footnote to
the article by Constantine Poulos on another page of this
issue. It is significant that these men had been under
sentence for two years and that their execution had been
stayed by protests from the British Labor Party and fifty
members of the British Parliament. But America is far
away, its Congress not so sensitive to acts of tyranny this
side of the iron curtain. And anyway, is not the Greek
government the sagging bulwark of democracy that we
are determined to shore up? The Greek government, in
its note to us expressing its willingness to have us vir-
tually take over the running of its economy, stressed its
determination to compose internal differences. But how
this was to be done was clarified in another section of
the note: ‘Aid given for military purposes will be used
for the restoration and maintenance of internal order.’’
Nothing could be clearer. Full partnership in the eco-
nomic reconstruction of Greece involves also full part-
nership in the policy of a regime which, since “‘libera-
tion,” directed a campaign of terror against all who oppose
it. Is this acceptable to the American people? Can we
with a straight face and a clear conscience urge an inter-
national bill of rights at Lake Success and actively sup-
port the violation of the elementary rights of human
beings in Athens?

by Jack Barrett

Editor and Publisher: Freda Kirchwey
Managing Editor Literary Editor
J. King Gordon Margaret Marshall
European Editor: J. Alvarez del Vayo
Associate Editor: Robert Bendiner
Financtal Editor: Keith Hutchison
Drama: Joseph Wood Krutch Muastc: B. H. Haggin
Staff Contributors
Reinhold Niebuhr, Carey McWilliams, Aylmer Vallance
Maxwell S. Stewart, Ralph Bates
Assistant Managing Editor: Jerry Tallmer
Copy Editor; Gladys Whiteside Assistant Literary Editor:
Caroline Whiting Research Editor: Doris W. Tanz

Business Manager: Hugo Van Arx
Advertising Manager: William B. Brown
Director of Nation Associates: Lillie Shultz

The Nation, published weekly and copyrighted, 1947, in the
U. S. A. by The Nation Associates, Inc., 20 Vesey St.. New
York 7, N. Y. Entered as second-class matter, December 13,
1879, at the Post Office of New York, N. Y., under the act of
March 8, 1879. Advertising and Circulation Representative for
Continental Europe: Publicitas, Lausanne, Switzerland.
Subseription Prices: Domestic—One year $6; Two years $10;
Three years $14. Additional nostage per year: Foreign and
Canadian $1.

Change of Address: Three weeks’ notice is required for change
of address, which cannot be made without the old address ag
well as the hew one.

Information to Libraries: The Nation is indexed in Readers’
Guide to Periodical Literature, Book Review Digest, Index to
4 Articles, Public Affairs Information Service, Dramatie
Index.

756
¢ IN THIS ISSUE -
|
COVER
Cartoon by Oscar Berger
EDITORIALS
The Shape of Things 755
Human Rights 757
A Slight Case of Murder 757 |
Marketing the Plan by Freda Kitchwey 758
ARTICLES
Can Our Dollars Save Europe?
by Blair Bolles 759
Meet Our Greek Allies
by Constantine Poulos 761
The 250 Industrial Giants
by Fritz Sternberg 763
Perén’s Expanding Empire
by Albert C. Hicks 765
The Chinese Students by Jean Lyon 767 |
Bigotry in B-Flat |
How the Berkshires Face the Music
by Horace Sutton 768
Socialist Troubles by Del Vayo 770 |
Everybody's Business: Shifting the Tax Burden |
by Keith Hutchison 771
BOOKS AND THE ARTS
American Author’s Authority—Round II
by Anthony Bower Wie 1
Stalag Luft A Poem by Randall Jarrell 773 |
Notes by the Way by Margaret Marshall 74 |
Metaphysical or So by John Berryman 775
Understanding Russia by Keith Hutchison 776 |
| Memorandum by W. J. Gold et an
Film Note by James Agee 778 |
Music by B. H. Haggin 779
| LETTERS TO THE EDITORS 780
CROSSWORD PUZZLE No. 217
is
|

The NATION
DE GASPERI WON A FORMAL VICTORY BUT AT

the price of a moral defeat when, last Saturday, he suc-
ceeded in dragging from the Italian Constituent Assem-
bly the dozen votes necessary to continue him in power
behind the facade of a representative goverament. With
that vote the “Chancellor,” as he is acidly called in
Avanti, can hardly pretend to govern in the name of a
democratic though anti-Socialist majority. His painfully
assembled support is the weakest, shakiest, and most
heterogeneous on which he has ever stood. It is formed
in part of men who had nothing to do with the Libera-
tion, who at heart are against the Republic, and whom
a more severe anti-fascist policy would have sent to the
tribunals rather than to Parliament. De Gasperi may te-
main the hero of the Vatican and of Washington, but
during this crisis he has forfeited all genuine republican
backing. He has thrown himself definitely into the arms
of the right, and it is only the right that can continue to
carry him. The double role that De Gasperi once seemed
eager to play, of a conservative politician leading a pro-
gressive coalition, is now finished. He has failed to bring
to his side those moderate elements of the left which he
hoped to win by playing them off against Togliatti and
Nenni. In the Assembly last Saturday he found the en-
tire left impressively united against him. Although a
few abstentions from those benches helped him win his
vote of confidence, this is not a precedent on which he
can rely. At the first showdown on major policy, those
few will follow their parties’ line and turn against De
Gasperi, Perhaps he will be saved by the single vote of
Giannini, the semi-fascist leader of !'Uomo Qualunque.
But these favors of chance will not help him achieve
his main purpose in clinging to power—to delay the gen-
eral election and prevent the defeat of his party.

NO LARGER THAN A LADY'S HAND, BUT
clearly visible, is the shadow cast by the coming visit of
Eva Duarte Perén to the British Isles. An embarrassed
Foreign Office, helpless to prevent the invasion, must
also give a convincing demonstration of welcome. For
Argentina is not only tied to England by old bonds, eco-
nomic and diplomatic; it is also today as during the war
an indispensable source of food for hungry Britons. To
refuse a polite reception to Sefiora Perén would be un-
thinkable. At the same time the anti-fascist sentiment of
the British people is already expressing itself in hearty
press attacks both on the lady and on the government's
plans for receiving her. The Sunday Pictorial drew an
official rebuke when it charged that members of Parlia-
ment were concerned because Sefiora Perén, ‘‘the wife of
a fascist dictator,” would arrive in Britain “fresh from a
triumphant reception in Franco's Spain,” where she “pro-
duced the fascist salute on the slightest pretext.”’ But left-
wing rumors indicate that the energetic Eva expects more

sp
In
lil

th
th

th
sic

sia

TION
UT AT

he suc:
Assein-
| power
t. With
led in
ne of a
infully
1 most
formed
Libera-
whom
to the
nay fe-
mn, but
iblican
e arms
nue to
eemed
a pro-
» bring
ich he
ti and
he en-
ugh a
‘in his
ich he
those
ist De
ote of
inque,
chieve

e gen-

BUT
isit of
rassed
must
>, For
$, €CO-
e war
is. To
ye uNn-
ont of
rearty
nent’s
Ww an
arlia-
ife of
rom a
“pro-
t left-

lune 28, 1947

substantial rewards from Britain than the perfumes,
jewels, and honors showered on her in Spain. She in-
tends to make sure that she is cut in, personally, on all
the contracts for Argentine products now being made in
England. This may be distasteful—as well as expensive
—for British business men of old-fashioned habits, but
they cannot afford to be squeamish; nor can the govern-
ment. Eva wants money, and England needs meat; and
neither propriety nor democratic sentiment is likely to
interfere with the success of her visit.

Human Rights

O FORMULATE a declaration of human rights in
y ee year 1947 may appear to be a task fit only for
philosophers or fools. The nineteenth century, tracing ils
springs of action to the American, the French, and the
Industrial Revolution, found it easy to describe human
liberty in terms of a man’s freedom from oppression by
state, church, or other men. The individualism that ex-
pressed itself economically in the ascendant capitalist
system was the counterpart of mineteenth-century polit-
ical liberalism. But today, the rise of socialism, the
emergence of new social concepts in economics and gov-
ernment, the recognition of rights that a man may claim
as a member of society make a generally acceptable decla-
ration of rights much more difficult. In fact, it would
seem virtually impossible to work out a definition that
would satisfy an American, an Englishman, a French-
man, and a Russian. An American may claim the right to
free speech, to free association, to freedom of worship.
But can he claim the right to work or the right to health
or to the means of health? And can a Russian, whose
security is bound up in his relations to the state, claim
the right of protest against what he may conceive to be
the unjust powers of that state?

Back of the discussions in the drafting committee of
the Human Rights Commission which has been in ses-
sion for two weeks, these conflicting concepts of right
and liberty lie waiting to assert themselves. A distin-
guished group of delegates from the United States, Rus-
sia, England, Lebanon, France, Chile, China, and Aus-
tralia has been attempting to formulate not one but two
statements. On the initiative of Britain, the delegates
have been seriously debating a draft Convention of
Human Rights which, once passed by the General As-
sembly and ratified by member states, would be enforce-
able as international law. All have agreed that however
worthy this attempt—and it is significant that it is being
made—the road ahead is a long and hard one. Would
the United States, for example, be prepared to accept an
international convention against race discrimination?
Would the federal government, which has in the past
proved helpless in such instances, be prepared to have a

757

lynching in South Carolina branded as an international
crume within the jurisdiction of an international court?

The other statement of human rights, while bound to
encounter many difficulties, is more modest in its aims.
The statement would be in fact a Declaration of Human
Rights which, in the words of one delegate, would con-
stitute a “matrix from which subsequent conventions
would naturally grow.”’ The basis for such a declaration
is to be found in a draft prepared with great care by the
secretariat of the United Nations. The advantage of the
secretariat draft is that it was written after a careful
study of bills of rights written into existing national con-
stitutions. Social rights as weil as individual rights are in-
cluded. Unfortunately, this draft was considered too
long and too detailed, and Professor Cassin of France
was given the thankless task of “boiling down” the state-
ment into a briefer and more general form. The danger
is that in the boiling-down process the meat and the
marrow of the original will have been boiled out.
Another large pious statement will represent no advance
toward binding international law. On the other hand, a
firm declaration of rights, passed by the General Assem-
bly, while having no legal force, will be bound to exert
a considerable moral influence. Before the delegates
come together for the Human Rights Commission meet-
ing in August, it is to be hoped that they will all study
seriously the secretariat’s document, to see if the subcom-

muttee’s work cannot be substantially strengthened.

A Slight Case of Murder

T: House last week gave the coup de grace to fed-
eral public housing. The spot was choice, the blow
deft, but the hand that delivered it was the buildine-
and-loan lobby’s. Whether housing survives or not is
now up to the Senate.

Nom her
asvasto&b

The lobby, which makes it a point to get its 1
associations to hire Congressmen as its lawyers or offi-
cers, first influenced a House investigation into the Fed-
eral Public Housing Authority. The andings sound like
a dossier by our Puritan fathers, and a few little P-1
clerks may now lose their heads for drinking in public.
The “scandal,” released at the strategic moment, formed
part of the committee recommendations to slice a third
off FPHA’s administrative budget and double the re-
quired contribution of the citics in tax exernption.

But the most serious blow is the redaction from §7,-

200.000 to $2,200,000 in annual subsidies due to local
housing authorities and the requirement that their re-
serves, which are set up annually to cover future rent
losses and repairs, be sliced in half.

This may seem harmless, but maintenance of the te-
serves and payment by the government of the annual

subsidies is part of the bargain with private lenders,

‘ Savy i ) iI y ) nage
‘ ’ ,
in-A uncial formula. It has called upon Europe
4 4
; ' ‘ > 7. rr “yer ‘ ‘ —- see
[ if T¢ » reach an agreement AS ) Wale requirements
F ' ‘ - st } } wn > than
=) 7 ition and the par those countries tem
i

sclve n order to give proper effect to what-
ever act taken by the American government.”
The Administ: n knows, too, that the American
public was repelled by the brassy suggestion of a crusade
in the Truman Doctrine and by the disclosure that Amer-
ica intended to keep the ‘‘free” peoples of Greece and
Turkey ler the tive tyrants then haphazardly op-
pressing them in order to save them from Russia or
from native Communists. It is trying to win over publ:
0} s that seem to offer the hope
Ola g I l

Most important of all, the Administration has learned
that the « lic plight of Europe is the result of

. th; lac ) an . teuw + Lemme > ,
something besides Russian deviltry. It seems to have

been caused by the war. So the situation is subject to
improvement without the sound effects of moral dia-
tribes shouted in the direction of Moscow.

Nevertheless, a man in the inner circles of the State
Department laughed when I asked him if the Marshall
proposal was a departure from the Truman Doctrine.
He said no, and he was right, so far as the ultimate
purpose of both is concerned. Both were conceived
as a way to stop Russia without war. That is the all
consuming passion in the State, War, and Navy depart-
ments.

To strengthen the government for the capitalist strug-
Zle against communism, Marshall is bringing in two
Wall Street men as his top assistants; Robert Lovett is to
become Under Secretary of State on July 1, and Charles
E. Salzman, vice-president of the Stock Exchange, was
mominated yesterday to be Assistant Secretary of State
in charge of occupation affairs (German, Austrian, Jap
anese, and Korean).

The Soviet government's acceptance of the invitation
of Bevin and Bidault to join in a conference to discuss
how the American dollars can best be spent may
mark the beginning, not of a new peaceful rclation-
ship between the two intransigent Brobdingnagians but
of a new phase of their struggle. All Europe, not merely
the eastern or the western portion, may now be the
prize. If Europe, including Russia, agrees on a plan for
utilizing American aid, the United States will be able
to circulate freely in Danubia, but at the same time
Russia will have an opportunity to spread its benefits
through the countries fringing the Bay of Biscay and
the North Sea.

Europe's attitude toward the Marshall proposal must
be judged by the slowly gathering public reaction rather
than by the exchanges between Bevin and Bidault at
their spectacular Paris meeting. Already we know that

The NATION

the United States does not appear to all people abroad,
even in neighboring Canada, as the gentle lamb de-
scribed by our statesmen. The proposal to arm Perén,
the use of Canada as our Arctic shield, the continued
manufacture of atomic bombs, the backing we give the
reactionaries who govern Rome—these things puzzle
foreigners who have heard that we believe in full free-
dom for all nations to deal with others, and with our-
selves, as they will, provided it is honorably.

The first reaction of the Russians to Marshall's pro-
posal of American aid showed how the seeds of distrust
have grown since the Yalta conference, the high-water
mark in Russian-American relations. Russia may be won
over, but it will not be gulled. “The former political
meaning of the United States policy of help remains
unchanged,’ Leontyev wrote in Pravda on June 16. In
England and France the moderate papers, the Observer
and the Times, Libération and L’Aube, approved the
offer of aid. Italian Foreign Minister Sforza called it
“one of the most noble attempts to save peace.’’ Not
all non-Communists in Europe agreed with him. The
Socialist radio in the Netherlands broadcast: ‘The trag-
edy of the European situation is that in many cases,
though not in all, American aid will be accepted by
governments which certainly do not have the well-being
of the masses of the people at heart.”

The Netherlands government, jointly with Belgium
and Luxembourg, sent Marshall a note accepting his sug-
gestion in principle. The three countries dispatched the
message on the eve of their merger in a tariff union, a
step toward European unity which, if extended across
the whole Continent, might accelerate though it could
not assure its restoration. The simultaneous formation of
an economic union in Eastern Europe has increased
American suspicion of Russia, just as Marshall's recent
statement that he favored a United States of Europe
struck Russia as menacing. The tragedy of the world is
that the two great countries can see no good in each
other.

The success or failure of the Marshall proposal will
not be determined by the attitude of Russia. It de-
pends primarily on the United States. It draws together
all the issues of the time. It affects employment and
prosperity. If Europe cut down to $8,000,000,000 the
$16,000,000,000 worth of goods it now buys every year,
factories would close, jobs would be lost. President Tru-
man could not sign the tax bill when he contemplated
sending $24,000,000,000 abroad in the next four years.
He could not sign a labor bill which would imperil our
industrial stability and prevent us from turning out the
goods Europe must have. The proposal goes to the heart
of the issue between Truman and the Republicans—
economy.

Will the penny-pinching Eightieth Congress agree to
send $24,000,000,000 across the ocean? It might, if the

sia
ye
he
its

fort
\
wit!
nati
mur
thin
ever
bett
P.
for
won
corrt
Gree
cush
brief
tion.
place
the s
assist

cc
Spe
co}
in.
las:

ION

road,
b de-
erdn,
tinued
ve the
uzzle

strust
water
>» won
litical
mains
6. In
rerver
d the
led it
' Not
The
trag-
cases,
od by
being

lgium
$s sug-
‘d the
ion, a
ACrOSS
could
on of
‘eased
recent
urope
rid is

each

| will
t de-
rether
t and
0 the
year,
Tru-
slated
years.
il our
it the
heart
ans—

ree to
if the

June 28, 1947,

consequences of a drop in exports were dramatized for
it. Yet there is strong evidence that a new isolationism is
arising to combat the Administration on this issue. The
United States is becoming fearful of exporting. The cry,
“We are throwing away our substance,” was raised here
during the war in an effort to hold to a minimum the
movement of lend-lease goods abroad, especially to Rus-
sia. Bernard Baruch made the same protest a little over a
year ago. In opposing the $3,750,000,000 loan to Britain,
he said that the United States should take an inventory of
its resources before it sent any more out of the country.
Now this miser’s chant has been repeated by Herbert
Hoover, who told Senator Bridges of New Hampshire
that we are exporting more than we can afford. Senator
Byrd, the perennial economizer from Virginia, has joined
this export-and-die crowd.

The Administration itself stiffened objections to fur-

76l

ther aid for foreign nations when it encouraged the be-
lief not long ago that the need for big spendiag abroad
was over. Clayton helped along the revolt by his acquics-
cence in the abrupt cutting off of lend-lease at the close
of the war with Japan, and by his vulgar statement last
summer that the “gravy train” was going around for the
last time—meaning the United States would give help
through UNRRA for just one more year. Truman could
have prepared the country and Congress for the dollar-
aid proposal by dealing with it in his budget message
Jast January, but he did not say a word. The truth is that
the Administration is just awakening to the significance
of Europe’s economic problems. It did not understand
it in January. Last year's foreign policy, based on eco-
nomic optimism and political pessimism, has given way
to pessimism all around.
Can our dollars save Europe if Congress says yes?

Meet Our Greek Allies

BY CONSTANTINE POULOS

Athens, May 29

O GREECE, still bearing the heavy imprint of the

Ottoman Empire, is now an outpost of the West, a

bulwark against Slavism and communism, almost a
forty-ninth state.

We might as well face it. Let’s not cloud the issue
with a lot of talk about democracy, free institutions, free
nations, and human values. We are out to stop com-
munism because it threatens the American system; we
think Greece is the place to start; and we will use what-
ever methods are necessary, just as the others do, only
better and more refined.

Possibly some of the Americans who come to Greece
for the first time as members of the American mission
won't understand the hypocrisy, arrogance, deceit, and
corruption which are the Greek government and the
Greek ruling class today. The American embassy will
cushion the shock. Dispassionately, patiently, it will
brief the newcomers on the ‘‘complexities” of the situa-
tion. As a precautionary measure, too, the embassy will
place some of its own people (“who, after all, know
the situation inside out”) in the new mission as “special
assistants” and “‘liaison officers’; just as it did with the

CONSTANTINE POULOS is the Balkan corre-
spondent of the Overseas News Agency and a frequent
contributor to The Nation. His series, The Revolution
in, Eastern Europe, the first article of which appeared
last week, has been interrupted to permit the insertion
of this pertinent report on Greece,

mission to observe the elections last year and the United
Nations Commission of Inquiry this year.

In any case the Americans on the new mission will
receive a warm welcome from the nice people, the people
who will flatter them in faultless English and say, as one
Royalist paper said recently, “It is our great fortune that
in this struggle against the left we shall have on our side
the most courageous, the richest, and the most decisive
power in the world.”

The Greeks in power today are good at this sort of
thing. They have been doing it with the Germans and
British ever since 1915.

On May 6, 1941, nine days after the Germans occu-
pied Athens, Spyros Melas, writing in the newspapet
Kathimerini, attacked those who ‘still felt a nostalgia
for a liberal economy and for the liberal prattle of pluto-
cratic democracies.’’ “We must digest the fact,” he said,
“that the idyllic system of economic anarchy, of super-
individualism, of greed, of wealth without bounds, of
egotistic waste of life’s riches, of monstrous inequalities

and unrestrained exploitation belongs to the past, and it
shall never return. We must resolutely sweep out the old
molds, Revolt against the liberal plutocratic world!”

On March 4, 1947, the day Secretary Marshall con-
firmed the reports that the United States was moving
into Greece, the same writer said in the Athens news-
paper Embros that America was ‘‘now presenting itself
at its proper post, as a Great and True Free Democracy,
whose role is to stand as a guarantor of the existence and
freedom of peoples. The Greek people believe in the
great tivilizing mission of America."” Melas ended by

- IN THIS ISSUE -

COVER
Cartoon by Oscar Berger
EDITORIALS
The Shape of Things 755
767

Human Rights

A Slight Case of Murder

Marketing the Plan by Freda Kischuey 758
ARTICLES

Can Our Dollars Save Europe?

by Bia:r Bolle 759
Meet Our Greek Allies
by Constantine Poulos 76l

The 250 Industrial Giants

hy Fritz Sternberg 763
Perén’s Expanding Empire
by Albert C. Hicks 765
The Chinese Students by Jean Lyon 767
Bigotry in B-Flat:
How the Berkshires Face the Music
by Horace Sutton 768
Socialist Troubles by Del Vayo 770
Everybody's Business: Shifting the Tax Burden
by Keith Hutchison 771
BOOKS AND THE ARTS
American Author’s Authority—Round II
by Anthony Bower 772
Stalag Luft A Poem by Randall Jarrell 773
Notes by the Way by Margaret Marshall 174
Metaphysical or So by John Berryman 775
Understanding Russia by Keith Hutchison 776
Memorandum by W. J. Gold 777
Film Note by James Agee 778
Music by B. H. Haggin 779
LETTERS TO THE EDITORS 780
CROSSWORD PUZZLE No. 217
8i

by Jack Barrett
Editor and Publisher: Freda Kirchwey
Managing Editor Literary Editor
J. King Gordon Margaret Marshall
European Editor: J. Alvarez del Vayo
Associate Editor: Robert Bendiner
Financtal Editor: Keith Hutchison
Drama: Joseph Wood Krutch Music; B. H. Haggia
Staff Contributors
Reinhold Niebuhr, Carey McWilliams, Aylmer Vallance
Maxwell S. Stewart, Ralph Bates
Assistant Managing Editor: Jerry Tallmer
Copy Editor; Gladys Whiteside Assistant Literary Editor:
Caroline Whiting Research Editor: Doris W. Tanz

Business Manager: Hugo Van Are
Advertising Manager: William B. Brown
Director of Nation Associates; Lillie Shultz

he Nation, published weekly and copyrighted, 1947, in the

U. S. A. by The Nation Associates, Inc., 20 Vesey St., New
York 7, N, Y. Entered as second-class matter, December 13,
1879, at the Post Office of New York, N. Y., under the act of

larch 3, 1879. Advertising and Circulation Representative tor
Continental Europe: Publicitas, Lausanne, Switzerland.
Subscription Prices: Domestice—One year $6; Two years $10;
Three years $14 Additional nostage per year: Foreign and
Canadian $1.

Change of Address: Three weeks’ notice is required for change
of address, which cannot be made without the old address ag
well as the hew one.

Information to Libraries: The Nation is indexed in Readers’
Guide to Periodical! Literature, Book Review Digest, Index to
Labor Articles, Public Affairs Information Service, Dramatie
Index.

The NATION
DE GASPERI WON A FORMAL VICTORY BUT AT

the price of a moral defeat when, last Saturday, he suc-
ceeded in dragging from the Italian Constituent Assein-
bly the dozen votes necessary to continue him in power
behind the facade of a representative goverament. With
that vote the “Chancellor,” as he is acidly called in
Avanti, can hardly pretend to govern in the name of a
democratic though anti-Socialist majority. His painfully
assembled support is the weakest, shakiest, and most
heterogeneous on which he has ever stood. It is formed
in part of men who had nothing to do with the Libera-
tion, who at heart are against the Republic, and whom
a more severe anti-fascist policy would have sent to the
tribunals rather than to Parliament. De Gasperi may te-
main the hero of the Vatican and of Washington, but
during this crisis he has forfeited all genuine republican
backing. He has thrown himself definitely into the arms
of the right, and it is only the right that can continue to
carry him. The double role that De Gasperi once seemed
eager to play, of a conservative politician leading a pro-
gressive coalition, is now finished. He has failed to bring
to his side those moderate elements of the left which he
hoped to win by playing them off against Togliatti and
Nenni. In the Assembly last Saturday he found the en-
tire left impressively united against him. Although a
few abstentions from those benches helped him win his
vote of confidence, this is not a precedent on which he
can rely. At the first showdown on major policy, those
few will follow their parties’ line and turn against De
Gasperi, Perhaps he will be saved by the single vote of
Giannini, the semi-fascist leader of !'Uomo Qualunque.
But these favors of chance will not help him achieve
his main purpose in clinging to power—to delay the gen-
eral election and prevent the defeat of his party.

NO LARGER THAN A LADY'S HAND, BUT
clearly visible, is the shadow cast by the coming visit of
Eva Duarte Perén to the British Isles. An embarrassed
Foreign Office, helpless to prevent the invasion, must
also give a convincing demonstration of weicome. For
Argentina is not only tied to England by old bonds, eco-
nomic and diplomatic; it is also today as during the war
an indispensable source of food for hungry Britons. To
refuse a polite reception to Sefiora Perén would be un-
thinkable. At the same time the anti-fascist sentiment of
the British people is already expressing itself in hearty
press attacks both on the lady and on the government's
plans for receiving her. The Sunday Pictorial drew an
official rebuke when it charged that members of Parlia-
ment were concerned because Sefiora Perdn, ‘the wife of
a fascist dictator,” would arrive in Britain “fresh from a
triumpliant reception in Franco's Spain,” where she “pro-
duced the fascist salute on the slightest pretext.” But left-
wing rumors indicate that the energetic Eva expects more

th
th

th
sit
ar

Sik
tr
st
ha

sel
ab

m
the
int
W

TION
SUT AT

, he suc:
Assein-
N power
at. With
alled
me of a
ainfully
id most
formed
Libera-
| whom
t to the
may fe-
on, but
ublican
he arms
‘inue to
seemed
} a pro-
o bring
hich he
tti and
the en-
ough a
vin his
rich he
those
nst De
rote of
ungue,
chieve

Ie gen-

BUT
risit of
rrassed

must
e. For
s, eco-
le war
ns. To
be un-
ent of
hearty

nent's
ew an
Parlia-
‘ife of
rom a

“pro-
it left-

lune 28, 1947

substantial rewards from Britain than the perfumes,
jewels, and honors showered on her in Spain. She in-
tends to make sure that she is cut in, personally, on ail
the contracts for Argentine products now being made in
England. This may be distasteful—as well as expensive
—for British business men of old-fashioned habits, but
they cannot afford to be squeamish; nor can the govern-
ment. Eva wants money, and England needs meat; and
neither propriety nor democratic sentiment is likely to
interfere with the success of her visit.

Human Rights

O FORMULATE a declaration of human rights in
yes year 1947 may appear to be a task fit only for
philosophers or fools. The nineteenth century, tracing ils
springs of action to the American, the French, and the
Industrial Revolution, found it easy to describe human
liberty in terms of a man’s freedom from oppression by
state, church, or other men. The individualism that ex-
pressed itself economically in the ascendant capitalist
system was the counterpart of nineteenth-century polit-
ical liberalism. But today, the rise of socialism, the
emergence of new social concepts in economics and gov-
ernment, the recognition of rights that a man may claim
as a member of society make a generally acceptable decla-
ration of rights much more difficult. In fact, it would
seem virtually impossible to work out a definition that
would satisfy an American, an Englishman, a French-
man, and a Russian. An American may claim the right to
free speech, to free association, to freedom of ip
But can he claim the right to work or the right to health
or to the means of health ? And can a Russian, whose
security is bound up in his relations to the state, claim
the right of protest against what he may conceive to be
the unjust _ of that state?

757

lynching in South Carolina branded as an international
crume within the jurisdiction of an international court?

would naturally grow.’ The basis for such a

:
is to be found in a draft prepared wit
secretariat of the United Nations. ‘he advantage of the
secretariat draft is that it was written after a careful
study of bills of rights written into existing national con-
stitutions. Social rights as weil as individual rights are in-
cluded. Unfortunately, this draft was considered too
long and too detailed, and Professor Cassin of France
was given the thankless task of “boiling down” the state-
ment into a briefer and more general form. The danger
is that in the boiling-down process the meat and the
marrow of the original will have been boiled out.
Another large pious statement will represent no advance
toward binding international Jaw. On the other hand, a
firm declaration of rights, passed by the General Assem-
bly, while having no legal force, will be bound to exert
moral influence.
come together for the Human Rights Commission meet-
ing in August, it is to be hoped that they will all study

a considerab! Before the delegates

seriously the secretariat’s document, to see if the subcom-

mittee’s work cannot be substantially strengthened.

A Slight Case of Murder

a Hy yuse last W eek 2 ive the CC up de grac eto fe i-
eral public seieiiiee 4 The spot was choice, the blow
deft, but the hand that delivered it was the buildine-
and-loan lobby’s. Whether housing survives or not is
now up to the Senate.

The lobby, which makes it a point to get its memb
associations to hire Congressmen as its lawyers or offi-
cers, first influenced a House investigation into the Fe

eral Public Housing Authority. The andings sound like

a dossier by our Puritan fathers, and a few little P-1
clerks may now lose their heads for drink’ ng in public.
The “scandal,” released at the strategic moment, formed
part of the committee recommendations to slice a third

off FPHA’s

quired contribution <

ES eT ee ee CN a ae
administrative budget and double the re-
the citics in tax exc mption.

But the most serious blow is the redaction from $7,-

sidies due to local

200.009 to $2,200,000 in annual sub
housing authorities and the requirement that their re-
serves, which are set up annually to cover future rent

losses and repairs, be sliced in half.
This may seem harmless, but maintenance of the te-
serves and payment by the government of the annual

5 b in with private lenders,

co
s

subsidies is part of the ba

pee’
(=)

. } » acluvan hana ] C milliane ¢ homncng
v Pp L4LANG A vai dD SUI y i AlilLslLIVLAS LU i JU sia

horities at interest rates as little as 1.5 per cent, re-
lying on the government's commitment to fulfil its con-
tract. The housing-authority bond up to now was one of
the prime securities in the country. As a result, housing
authorities have been able to dispense with the need for
huge federal loans and have also reduced the required
federal subsidies to a fraction of the original estimate.
If the authorities are forced to revert to government bor-
rowing, it is doubtful whether any future Congress will
authorize the huge federal loans that would be essential.

One would imagine that the House, in its current
mood of economy, would encourage financial savings

and protect the formulae responsible for them. Ye

' 1

strangely, even the faith and credit of our government
appears less important to the present Congress than the
scuttling of public housing. Not only would the agree-
ment with the lenders be breached and the solvency of
the projects menaced, but the marketability of public-
housing bonds would be affected for all future issues.

Already Wall Street buzzes with the story that the
credit of the United States is now good only if the pur-
pose for which it is pledged is the kind that will be
politically palatable to every succeeding Congress. It is
hoped that in the Senate the influence of the building-
and-loan associations will weigh less than the faith and
credit of the United States of America.

Marketing the Plan

BY FREDA KIRCHWEY

HE job of explaining the Marshall plan to this
"Ta and the world is not going to be an easy
one—but it is one of the most vital parts of the whole
project. First of all it is necessary to let the peoples of
Europe know that the plan is in effect a substitute for,
not an extension of, the provocative, clumsy anti-Soviet
crusade launched by Mr. Truman in Greece and Turkey.
Indeed, that crusade itself will have to be amended in
practice if the Marshall plan is to succeed. For the co-
operation of Russia and its satellite states is essential to
the revival of a healthy economy in Europe, as The
Nation pointed out last week. It is also essential to the
Continent's political health. Even the Vatican has lately
expressed alarm over the effect on Europe of the hard-
ening hostility between the U. S. S. R. and the United
States. As Walter Lippmann pointed out in a comment
on the Vatican’s warning, the European nations want
American help but not under conditions that will force
them toward an irreparable break with the Soviet Union.

The Continent must be convinced that the Marshall
plan is aimed at avoiding such a division by making pos-
sible a revival of industry and trade on a world scale,

The NATION

Mr. Marshall's slightly delayed assurance that Russia
was included in the scope of his proposal, followed by
the French invitation to Mr. Molotov, has happily re-
sulted in Russia's agreement to join France and Britain
in exploring the possibilities of the plan. This is a good
start. But it will be necessary, if the usual deadlocks are
to be avoided, to make it clear on this side that no con-
ditions will be laid down which would shut out nations
whose economic and political methods are socialistic or
even revolutionary. This final assurance has not yet been
offered, and it is admittedly an awkward one to have to
advertise. But how can it be avoided? How can we ex-
pect Russia to join in drawing up a plan for the restora-
tion of Europe's economy and refuse to include those
states which are imitating—however half-heartedly and
partially—Russia’s economic system? And how can Eu-
rope’s economy be restored if a large part of Europe is
to be denied the dollars required to reanimate the cir-
culatory system of the Continent as a whole?

Furope knows all this. Even the more conservative
governments would today refuse to join a coalition
against those on the other side of the almost visible ideo-
logical line that runs across Europe and through each
country. Their best hope lies in a revival of Continental
prosperity—east and west, right and left—and in a grad-
ual resulting amelioration of the hostility between Russia
and America. If Mr. Marshall accepts this view, as his
Cambridge speech indicated, he must make it amply clear
to Europe.

In doing so, he must also make the American people
understand why the emphasis has shifted from an anti-
Communist crusade to the restoration of Europe. This
will be still harder, for the country has been stuffed
with the imminent and overpowering threat of com-
munism until a large part of the population reacts only
to fear of Russian aggression. It was fear of Russia alone
that propelled the Greek-Turkish aid bill through Con-
gress. How is the new plan to be carried out in the face
of growing reaction and growing nationalism? How are
Congress and the people to be convinced of the necessity
of spending American dollars to restore Europe? The
one way that will work, I believe, is also the only honest
way of stating the case.

For the truth is that the United States cannot afford to
let Europe’s recovery collapse for lack of dollars. This
is a simple fact that should equally impress Robert A.
Taft and his most left-wing opponents. Without dollars,
the other nations will have to stop buying the equipment
on which the revival of their industries and agriculture
depends. Without increased output of the products we
need, they cannot export enough to America to get dol-
lars in exchange. And until both production and exports
mount, they are bound to exhaust the limited dollars now
available in buying food to keep their people from going
hungry. The problem, viewed from this side, is not pri-

ily re-
sritain
, good
ks are
9 con-
ations
stiC OF
t been
ave to
ve CX-
stora-
those
y and
n Eu-
ope is

e Ccir-

vative
ition
-ideo-

each
nental
grad-
Russia
as his
y clear

eople
| anti-
This
tuffed
com-
s only
alone
Con-
e face
ww are
essity
? The

10onest

ord to
. This
ert A.
ollars,
pment
ulture
tts we
*t dol-
xports
rs NOW
going
ot pri-

June 28, 1947

marily a problem of foreign collapse or suffering; it is a
problem of America’s balance of payments with the
weild as a whole. The Marshall plan, put simply, is an
attempt to reestablish the capacity of the world, starting
with our best customers, to buy American goods. Our
own economy will slump, our prosperity will disappear
almost overnight, if the huge output of American fac-
tories, whose capacity to produce—as Mr. Sternberg re-

calls elsewhere in this issue—increased 50 per cent dur-

ing the war, cannot find overflow markets outside the
United States. In essence, this means that our balance of
payments will be restored only if we give away goods,
or the dollars required to buy goods. If we fail to do so, a
depression will result which would not only produce the
dangers and miseries we well remember, but would drag
the rest of the world into economic depths from which
no Marshall plan could pull it.

This story, told fully and honestly by persons, like
those included in President
whose knowledge is widely respected, should convince
most Americans of the need of appropriating the billions

Truman's new committees,

759
necessary for Europe's recovery. Kt wiil tend to offset the
panic fear of Russia, generated partly by Moscow’s own
provocative methods, partly by the chauvinist press in
America, and partly by the monumental blunder of the
Truman Doctrine. It will reassure Europe and relieve it
of the horrid burden of American benevolence, for the
Marshall plan, in essence, is an expression of long-range,
intelligent self-interest, not of charity

Above ail, it will relieve this country of the temptation
to proceed unilaterally as we did in Greece and Turkey.
A new, Europe-wide, anti-Russian crusade would pre-
clude action through the United Nations; but the Mar-
shall plan, based from the start on a request for Euro-
pean initiative, logically implies full utilization of the
agencies and powers of the United Nations. The Eco-
ded by the noted
Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal, has already prepared
a preliminary report on Europe's economic needs. With

this as a basis, the specifications called for by Mr. Mar-

nomic Cofnmission for Europe, hea

shall can be rapidly perfecte

by-passing the worid organization.

There must be no ques-
tion this time of

Can Our Dollars Save Europe?

BY BLAIR BOLLES

i ‘ashington, June 22
NE difference between war and peace is that
during war men are hopeful. World War Il
was still in progress when Harry Truman, on
June 26, 1945, welcomed the signing of the Un ited
Nations Charter as the birth of the “Parliament of Man
As huzzahs resounded from San Francisco around the
globe, most people foresaw the development of “one
world” and the maintenance of peace through the Unite ]
Nations. Now that peace is with us, the enthusiasm
is gone. And the world seems to be cracking in two.
In these depressing circumstances President Truman
and Secretary of State George C. Marshall have made
an offer of the use of United States dollars as an adhesive
to hold it together. Will the dollars do the job?
The grand purpose of their expenditure is to win
Russia from the isolationist ways of Communist 1m-
perialism and induce it to support our notions of set-
ting the world in order. If Russia fails to go along in
the project, the secondary purpose of the money is to
create a Western European bloc without Russia and
without the Eastern European states which the United
States, by its refusal to understand the political currents
in those long-oppressed countries, has worked hard and

BLAIR BOLLES is director of the Washington burean
of the Foreign Policy Association.

successfully to push into the Russian lap. General Lu-

cius D, Clay, the American administrator in Berlin, said
on June 18 that the rehabilitation of Germany “woulc
fit into Secretary of State Marshall's plan for European
recovery to great advantage.’” Evidently German peace-
time factories are to back up the dollar in overcoming
the destruction caused by German war factories.

The use of American dollars to restore world sta-
bility was first suggested by Under Secretary of State
May 8.
at Harvard

on June 5 as a combined American-Euro pean reconstruc:

Dean Acheson at Cleveland, en on
Secretary Marshall presented t Ae
tion plan. It is the result of sot learned painfully
y President
John Snyder and the State Department since Alcide
de Gasperi, the Italian Prime Min to Wash-

ington looking for money last January and was sent

Truman and Secretary of the Treasury
ter, came

home with a promise of $100,000,000 in Export-Import
lits did not blem. He

anie +e “tT, rc tte At cal hee nm
ank cres dit >. The crearts did nor soive nis pr
| yr wa. ‘ wetter } ~4¢ OVR
aca iO FecoMsucte NIS COUNTY, ang ne Was Qiven a

. é

: - we hie > 7? san

i - — r > » oe 12°47 . .

chance to buy some goods in America. During the

next six months the Administration came to understar.d
. + Birvenr bye, ae 7 ‘ > ; -

that it cannot revive Europe by offering individual coun-

tries limited commercial oppostunities. The economic
,

problem of Europe is how to become productive itself,
I

ant hea ’ s ¢h Persate PF As an

not how to enjoy the fruits of American production.

". A Aminictes m | » 3 etn ) Loe at -
The Admunistration has learned that the Continent

i a ) ) \ i rope cor py »> a mace
:
i f ll formu | is called Europe
i 4
, f rr nn) Tent ¢ juirer +
I , Ail All CCali ‘ > Pale 1CUUse >
C sho , ‘ 4 oa th. — +} > + - $$}
I Li i 1 ALIG tile P i tnose COuntrics wUile
Tt 1
5 € e in order to > proper effect to wna
evcra f t be taken by the American government.
Ihe Adm n knows, too, that the American
| » ] +] ey en% schian “meade
publi ; 1 by the brassy suggestion of a crusad
in the Truman Doctrine and by the disclosure that Amer-
ica intended to keep the “free” peoples of Greece and
rae ee nee, © Sartor og Senay Le, eee .
lurkey Inger the I ive tyrants then napnaz ardly Op-
y TY)
t to save them from Russia or
from na ( sts. It is trying to over publ
0} mn at | sals that seem to offer the hope
la "
I. (
q A st °
——
Most important of all, the Administration has | irned
a ae “Oe ee desi ey or
that the economic plight of Europe is the result of
i

something besides Russian deviltry. It seems to have
been caused by the war. So the situation is subject
improvement without the sound effects of moral dia-
tion of Moscow.

' }
, > mer
LAit Usb Ol

tribes shouted in

Nevertheless, a man in the inner circles of the State
Department laughed when I asked him if the Marshall
proposal was a departure from the Truman Doctrine.

Je said no, and he was right, so far as the ultimate
purpose of both is concerned. Both were conceived
as a way to stop Russia without war. That is the all
consuming passion in the State, War, and Navy depart-

rents.

To strengthen the government for the capitalist strug-
gle against communism, Marshall is bringing in two
Wall Street men as his top assistants; Robert
become Under Secretary of State on July 1, and Charles
E. Salzman, vice-president of the Stock Exchange, was
nominated yesterday to be Assistant Secretary of State
in charge of occupation affairs (German, Austrian, Jap
anese, and Korean).

.ovett is to

of a new phase of their struggle. All Europe, not merely
the eastern or the western portion, may now be the
prize. If Europe, including Russia, agrees on a plan for
utilizing American aid, the United States will be able
to circulate freely in Danubia, but at the same time
Russia will have an opportunity to spread its benefits
through the countries fringing the Bay of Biscay and
the North Sea.

The NATION

the United States does not appear to all people abroad,
even in neighboring Canada, as the gentle lamb de-
scribed by our statesmen. The prop “a to arm Perén,
the use of Canada as our Arctic shield, the continued

nufacture of atomic bombs, the backing we give the
reactionaries who govern Rome—these things puzzle
foreigners who have heard that we believe in full free-

dom for all nations to deal with others, and with our-

selves, as they will, provided it is honorably.
1¢ first reaction of the Russians to Marshall's pro-
posal of American aid showed how the seeds of distrust
have grown since the Yalta conference, the high-water
mark in Russian-American relations. Russia may be won
over, but it will not be gulled. “The former political
meaning of the United States policy of help remains
unchanged,’ Leontyev wrote in Pravda on June 16. In
England and France the moderate papers, the Gpeereer
and the Times, Libération and L’Aube, approved the
offer of aid. Italian Foreign Minister Sforza called it
“one of the most noble attempts to save peace.” Not
all non-Communists in Europe agreed with him. The
Socialist radio in the Netherlands broadcast: ‘The trag
edy of ihe European situation is that in many cases,
though not in all, American aid will be accepted by
governments which certainly do not have the well-being
of the masses of the people at heart.”

Will the penny-pinching Eightieth Congress agree to
send $24,000,000,000 across the ocean? It might, if the

fort
\
witl
nat!
mut
thin
ever
bett
P,
for
won
corrt
Gree
cush
brief
tion.
place
the s
assist,

Spe
cor
in_
lasi

ION

broad,
b de-
Perdn,
tinued
ve the
yuzzle

free-

istrust
‘water
> won
litical
mains
16. In
server
d the
led it
" Not

The
; trag-
cases,
ed by
being
gium
is sug-
ed the
ion, a
across
could
ion of
reased
recent
jurope
orld is

» each

1 will
It de-
gether
it and
)0 the
y year,
t Tru-
plated
years.
ril our
ut the
» heart
-ans—

ree to
if the

June 28, 1947

The Administration itself stiffened objections to fur-

76l

ther aid for foreign nations when it encouraged the be-
lief not long ago that the need for big spending abroad
was over. Clayton helped along the revolt by his acquies-
cence in the abrupt cutting off of lend-lease at the close
of the war with Japan, and by his vulgar statement last
summer that the “gravy train” was going around for the
last time—meaning the United States would give help
through UNRRA for just one more year. Truman could
have prepared the country and Congress for the dollar-
aid proposal by dealing with it in his budget message
Jast January, but he did not say a word. The truth is that
the Administration is just awakening to the significance
of Europe's economic problems. It did not understand
it in January. Last year's foreign policy, based on eco-
nomic optimism and political pessimism, has given way
to pessimism al] around.
Can our dollars save Europe if Congress says yes?

Meet Our Greek Allies

BY CONSTANTINE POULOS

Athens, May 29

O GREECE, still bearing the heavy imprint of the

Ottoman Empire, is now an outpost of the West, a

bulwark against Slavism and communism, almost a
forty-ninth state.

Possibly some of the Americans who come to Greece
for the first time as members of the American mission
won't understand the hypocrisy, arrogance, deceit, and
corruption which are the Greek government and the
Greek ruling class today. The American embassy will
cushion the shock. Dispassionately, patiently, it will
brief the newcomers on the ‘‘complexities’”’ of the situa-
tion. As a precautionary measure, too, the embassy will
place some of its own people (“who, after all, know
the situation inside out’) in the new mission as “special
assistants” and “‘liaison officers’; just as it did with the

CONSTANTINE POULOS is the Balkan corre-
spondent of the Overseas News Agency and a frequent
contributor to The Nation. His series, The Revolution
in Eastern Europe, the first article of which appeared
last week, has been interrupted to permit the insertion
of this pertinent report on Greece,

mission to observe the elections last year and the United
Nations Commission of Inquiry this year.

The Greeks in power today are good at this sort of
thing. They have been doing it with the Germans and
British ever since 1915.

On May 6, 1941, nine days after the Germans occu-
pied Athens, Spyros Melas, writing in the newspaper
Kathimerini, attacked those who “‘still felt a nostalgia
for a liberal economy and for the liberal prattle of pluto-
cratic democracies.” ‘We must digest the fact,” he said,
“that the idyllic system of economic anarchy, of super-
individualism, of greed, of wealth without bounds, of
egotistic waste of life’s riches, of monstrous inequalities

and unrestrained exploitation belongs to the past, and it
shall never return. We must resolutely sweep out the old
molds, Revolt against the liberal plutocratic world!”

“ivili ; America.” Melas ended by

great civilizing mission of
é

e‘tacking those “who dare to criticize the supporters of
the freedom of the world.”

This sort of thing, if they become aware of it, should
not upset innocent Americans who come to Greece. They
will have to get used to dealing with the people who
dealt with the Nazis. Besides, there are too many things

1 Greece that may upset them. If, for example, they see
a photograph such as was published in one of the Royal-
ist papers on April 10, showing seven decapitated heads
neatly arranged in a triangle on the ground, they may
shudder. But unless someone translates the small items
from the newspapers for them, they will not learn about
the heads of five boys between the ages of fifteen and
twenty which were displayed in front of the gendarmerie
station in Sparta as a warning to others who might be
thinking of going to the mountains.

Yet the Greek government under our pressure will
certainly make some new farcical amnesty offer to the
guerrillas, and the American embassy will explain to the
neophytes: ‘You see, the government is acting in good
faith. We cannot understand why the bandits don’t come
down out of the mountains. Of course, most of them
would if they could, but their fanatical Communist

leaders won't let them.”

There are lots of interesting little items in the news-
papers that help one to understand what is going on in
Greece today, but they are easy to miss, and “besides,
there's so much more to the story,” as the American em-
bassy explains whenever anyone refers to them. For in-
stance, it was reported in the newspapers on March 26
that Miltiades Bambakas was arrested on a street in
Athens. At the police station he was beaten to death. No
action was taken by the government. The newspapers
didn’t mention it again.

Demetrios Androvitsaneas, a sixty-two-year-old vet-
eran of the Balkan wars and a member of the 7th Regi-
ment of E. L. A. S. on the island of Euboia during the
occupation, was being treated for advanced tuberculosis
in an Athens hospital. Last month they caught up with
him. They told him the hospital didn’t have room for
“traitors” and “Slavo-Communists” and put him out. He
died a few days later.

Estia, the newspaper of the big industrialists—the lib-
eral papers have been calling it “the fascist widow” ever
since Mussolini's death—recently unburdened itself. “It's
a good thing that the Jewish-Communist organiza-
tion UNRRA is concluding its activities in Greece, for
UNRRA thought it could remain neutral in our struggle
and give food, clothing, and medical assistance to every-
one, regardless of their politics.” Now Estia is attacking
the Greek War Relief Association of America for having
the same incomprehensible attitude about relief.

“The Security Battalions,” formed by the Germans
with the help of the last Greek quisling government to

The NATION

fisht the resistance forces, “are considered instruments
f the enemy,” declared a statement signed in Italy on
September 26, 1944, by General H. Maitland Wilson,
Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean Thea-
ter, and by Harold H. Macmillan, British Resident
Minister. On April 16, 1947, the Athens daily Ethnikos
Kirix said in an editorial that “the successful organiza-
tion and arming of the Security Battalions during the
occupation was a stupendous accomplishment on the
part of Rallis and his coworkers.” Rallis was the quisling
Prime Minister.

One minor collaborator was executed on Decem-
ber 4, 1944, as a gesture which it was thought might
halt the revolt then beginning. The second collaborator
to be executed since the liberation of Greece was shot
three days after President Truman unveiled his famous
doctrine.

“There is freedom of the press, isn’t there?” “Why,
sure, just look at the leftist papers published here in
Athens.”’ But let the American members of the new mis-
sion try to buy a leftist newspaper in any city except
Athens and Salonika, in Levadia, Lamia, Larissa, Tri-
kalla, or Volos, or even a centrist paper in Sparta or
Preveza. Since last July the E. A. M. paper in Salonika
has been suppressed three times and the Communist
Party organ five times. Each suppression has meant court
decisions against the editors and printers, with one man
sentenced to five years’ imprisonment, two to seven years,
one to fourteen and one-half years, one to twenty years,
one to fifty-two and one-half years, and three given life.
(The data on sentences were obtained from the Informa-
tion Department of the British embassy in Athens. )

Of course, there is another way of taking care of the
press. On March 30 three armed men entered the print-
ing plant of the Communist paper in Salonika, fired at
the workers with tommy-guns, and then threw a grenade
as they withdrew. Three printers were killed and seven
wounded. The gendarmes guarding the plant “happened
to be away from their posts,” the government explained.
No one has been arrested yet. (Fifty-five leftist papers
have been closed down by official suppression, terrorism,
or destruction of the printing plants by rightist mobs and
security authorities since the present government came
to power in April last year.)

One more story to fill in the picture. First Lieutenant
Panayiotis Katsareas, a Greek army reserve officer, joined
the Security Battalions and fought with the Germans
against the guerrillas during the occupation. After the
resistance movement disbanded and laid down iis arms,
Katsareas was made a regular army officer with the rank
of captain and took up the struggle against the unarmed
members of the resistance.

With a band of his own although he was on the gov-
ernment pay roll, he roamed the Sparta area killing men,
women, and children. From August 1 last year to Octo-

\TION

Hrruments
Italy on
Wilson,
un Thea-
Resident
Ethnikos
yrganiza-
ring the
on the
quisling

Decem-
ht might
laborator
was shot
; famous

” “Why,
here in
new mis-
ty except
issa, Tri-
Sparta of
Salonika
ymmunist
ant court
one man
yen years,
nty years,
iven life.
Informa-
“ns. )

ire of the
the print-
1, fired at
a grenade
und seven
happened
xplained.
ist papers
terrorism,
mobs and
rent came

Lieutenant
er, joined
Germans
After the
its arms,
the rank
P unarmed

in the gov-
lling men,
r to Octo

June 28, 1947

ber 10 he killed at least fifty-eight persons, thirty-five of
them on one day in the little mountain village of Bam-
bakou in Laconia. The government in Athens issued
statements ‘denouncing him’’ and ‘“‘ordered his arrest.”
But Katsareas knew they were not serious. He sat calmly
in Sparta visiting with his friends in the gendarmerie
and the army, attended public functions in the company
of federal and provincial authorities, and made speeches
on holidays.

The resurrection of the guerrilla movement cramped
his style, however, and he didn’t go very far up the
mountains. One day last March he strayed a bit too far
from Sparta and in a battle with the guerrillas was killed.

The next day, March 21, the military commander of
Laconia, Major George Kourkoulis, addressed a letter to
Katsareas’s men in which he said: “You must not cry
for your unforgettable leader. He did not die. He is with
you and with us. . . . Inspired by the example of this
heroic figure, go forward with us to the great vic-
tory... . Vengeance on the cowardly murderers!”

That day Katsareas’s men entered the town of
Gytheion, dragged thirty-two political prisoners out of
the local jail, and executed them in the public square.
Major Kourkoulis’s statement was published in the
Sparta newspaper Ethniki Phoni two days later, and in
the next few days Katsareas’s band killed thirty-two more
people in villages near Sparta.

Three ministers rushed to the Peloponnesus from
Athens—by sea. No one was arrested. No one was

763

punished. The Minister of Public Order, Napoleon
Zervas, informed the government from Sparta of his
decision not to remove Major Kourkoulis from his post.
Returning to Athens, the Ministers of War and Interior
explained that the massacre of the political prisoners was
a ‘natural rising of the nationalist populace.”

The Royalist press in Athens ho-hummed and noted
that since most of the men in the prison were under
sentence of death anyway, it did not really matter very
much, and one paper even recommended that political
prisoners held in other jails should be transferred to
Gytheion. (British sources estimate that there are 11,000
political prisoners in Greek prisons today.)

Still no one has been arrested or punished. And all
this happened while the Howse and Senate were con-
sidering President Truman’s request for aid to the gov-
ernment of Greece.

It is a miserable situation we are inheriting, full of
hatred, cruelty, bitterness, and iniquity. But let’s not kid
ourselves on this point, either. We are not likely to bring
about many fundamental changes. The Greeks in power
will use us for all we are worth. We think we are doing
them a favor; they know they are doing us a bigger one.
They'll take the dollars, they'll make some revisions in
their economic and political policies to please us, and
sooner or later they'll ask for more money. Even $250,-
000,000 won't go far toward winning a civil war and
rebuilding a shattered and looted economy. That will
take more millions, and “stronger” methods.

~~ The 250 Industrial Giants

BY FRITZ STERNBERG

OW that American credit and American produc-

tion are to be geared to the economic needs of

the war-damaged nations of Europe in an effort
to avert the progressive disintegration of the political
and economic life of the Continent, it becomes more than
ever necessary to examine the structure of the system on
which this whole enterprise depends. We know that the
productive capacity of the United States outstrips that of
the other nations of the world put together. We know
the dollar is the currency on which all others, even the
pound sterling, are based. What remains is to see clearly
how the controls of the American system are operated, to
identify the groups and individuals that have in their
hands the economic levers. For under our free-enterprise

FRITZ STERNBERG, a German economist now living
in this country, is the author of "The Coming Crisis.”

theory, however modified in practice, the people who
dominate American business are also, to a large extent,
the economic dictators of the world.

Today the amazing fact is that 250 leading corpora-
trons in the United States produce a volume of goods
equal to that of the rest of the capitalist world, including
the residual industry of this country. This state of affairs
is the result of two lines of development which began
long before the recent war.

The first is the steady growth of America’s share in
total world production. Throughout the last hundred
years American output has increased faster than that of
the rest of the world. Britain, whose production in 1850
equaled the combined totals of all other countries, was
outstripped by the United States as early as 1880. After
that date the United States not only had the lead but
steadily increased the margin between itself and the
other industria] powers. America’s share of production at

764

the outbreak of World War I was a little more than one-
third of the world total. Nothing more clearly indicates
the declining importance of Europe and the growing pre-
ponderance of the American role.

In 1913 Europe accounted for 53 per cent of world
production, but by 1919 and 1920 this had sunk to 41
per cent. The goods turned out in the United States in
1928 actually exceeded in volume those produced by the
whole of Europe. In that year, the last before the great
economic crisis, the relative contributions to world pro-
duction of the major industrial countries were: the
United States, 40 per cent; Germany, 12 per cent; Great
Britain, 9 per cent; France, 7 per cent. This country was
already producing 60 per cent more goods than the three
next largest industrial nations combined.

But the effect of World War II on the balance of eco-
nomic power was even more sensational. During and
since the war American productive capacity has enor-
mously increased; so that in the present year it is approxi-
mately 50 per cent greater than it was before 1939. What
is even more important than the rise itself is, of course,
the fact that it has occurred in an epoch during which
the rest of the world has experienced a sharp decline.
Physical destruction and the depletion of resources and
capital have increased the disparity which America’s
huge war production would in any case have created.
Years will elapse before the Soviet Union can reach even
its pre-war levels of output, and Germany will not re-
gain its pre-war productivity in any near future no mat-
ter what policy the occupying authorities adopt. In
varying degrees this holds true for most of the other
countries directly involved in the war. The result is that,
on a conservative estimate, the United States is now pro-
ducing 60 per cent of the entire output of the world,
including Russia.

At no time during the last hundred years has any
single state achieved such economic preeminence. Nor is
American superiority only a question of manufactured
goods, for industrial growth has naturally been accom-
panied by a huge expansion of financial power. Before
the First World War the big capital-exporting countries
were England, Germany, and France. Britain alone pos-
sessed as great a volume of capital invested abroad as the
rest of the world combined. Germany became a debtor
country as a result of the war of 1914-19, while France
not only lost the greater part of its foreign investments
but found itself unable to continue to make loans to
other countries. In the decade between the two wars only
Britain among the European nations continued to export
any considerable amount of capital.

It was in the ten years following Versailles that the
United States appeared on the scene as a major exporter
of capital. “From 1919 through 1929 foreign loans
floated in the United States provided some $7,500,000,-
000 of new capital to other countries,” says a Depart-

The NATION

ment of Commerce bulletin published in 1943, “‘or more
than the total of similar issues floated in the United
Kingdom, France, the Netherlands, and all other capital-
lending countries combined.” Since World War II, of
course, Britain has joined the debtor countries, and
American superiority in the financial field is unchal-
lenged. Today the United States possesses not only the
most powerful of all productive systems but also a mo-
nopoly of money power,

This establishment of world dominance has been
accompanied by a rapid tightening of industrial power
within the United States. The development was sum-
marized in a recent Senate report on “Economic Concen-
tration in World War II’’ in these words:

Closely paralleling the rise in importance of corpora-
tions was the increasing sphere of activities controlled
by a relatively small number of corporate units. Thus
the 200 largest non-financial corporations increased
their relative importance from ownership of one-third
of the assets in 1909, to 48 per cent in 1929, and to
59 per cent in the early thirties. The sharp upward sweep
in the twenty years before the crash of 1929 is confirmed
by another series [of figures} showing that the percent-
age of the total net income of all non-financial corpora-
tions (income corporations only) earned by the 20
largest . . . increased from 33 per cent in 1920 to 43
per cent in 1929.

Developments during the last years of peace and the
first part of the Second World War are described in the
Senate report as follows:

For the period 1931 to 1942 data are available indi-
cating the percentage of total manufacturing assets held
by corporations possessing more than $50,000,000 in
assets. This group of corporations represents the giants of
industry and may be used broadly to measure the trend
in concentration up to recent times. In 1942 there were
205 such giant manufacturing corporations. This group
of manufacturing corporations, after declining in im-
portance from ownership of 46 per cent of the total in
1931 to 37 per cent in 1934, rose sharply to the point
of ownership of 49 per cent of all the corporate manu-
facturing assets in 1942.

The power concentrated in the big corporations be-
came even greater during the war than in the preceding
decades, The value of the nation’s present facilities for
production can be estimated by adding to the $40,000,
000,000 of gross capital assets of the year 1939 thic
$20,000,000,000 worth of new war-time plants that are
available for peace-time use. Who owns this vast, highly
equipped productive system? How much of it is con-
trolled by big business and how much is held by smaller
firms?

The answer to these questions is to be found in the
holdings of the 250 largest manufacturing corporations,

Li
In
gC

the
po

Be
pr
cot
Ch
an)
che

Bo!

of
Pre
tak

luti
fall
leag

Vass

ists

to h
revo
mad.

TION

ff more
United
capital-
Il, of
Ss, and
unchal-
nly the
» a2 Mo-

s been
power
$s sum-
‘oncen-

pora-
olled
Thus
eased
third
id to
weep
rmed
‘cent-
pora-
e 20
0 43

ind the
| in the

indi-
held
)0 in
nts of
trend
were
soup
1 im-
tal in
point

nanu-

ons be-
eceding
ties for
0,000,
39 the
that are
| highly
is con
smaller

in the
rations,

June 28, 1947

These

31 of which are controlled by 5 financial groups.
corporations are, for the most part, the traditional giants
of American industry. In 1939 they owned 65 per cent
of the nation’s fixed capital. During the war they _
ated 79 per cent of all new plant facilities built wit

federal funds, and in September, 1944, held 78 per cent
of the primary war-supply contracts. Possessing nearly
$30,000,000,000 of capital assets in 1939, they have
added $3,700,000,000 in privately financed new facil-
ities snd have operated additional plants accounting
for nearly $9,000,000,000 of the ‘$11 500,000,000
war-time facilities estimated to be usable for peace-time
production. If these industrial giants finally acquire the
plants on which they have purchase options, their hold-

765

ings will come to $38,500,000,000, or 66.5 per cent of
tot al usable facilities in America.

Even today these 250 huge corporations control two-
thirds of American industry. They are able to produce
as much as the whole American economy before the
war, when the United States produced almost half of the
world’s goods. Today with European industry hampered
by lack of material, plant, and buying power and by the
destruction of capital values, the 250 American giants
can produce as much as the rest of world industry within
and outside of the United States. This is an economic
fact to be pondered by the nations of Europe as they
prepare to qualify for American help under the Mar-
shall plan.

Peron’s Ex ‘Da ndin I Em pire

BY ALBERT C. HICKS

HROUGHOUT its 122 years as an independent
nation Bolivia, landlocked Andean republic, has
dangled as a tempting prize before a succession of
Latin American caudillos
In the nineteenth century they covete
gald. During the twentieth it has offered tin and oil and

thirsting for power and riches.
its silver and

the potential wealth of its vast unworked mineral de-
posits.
Always a weak nation despite its natural resources,
Bolivia has never relied upon its own military power to
protect itself against its neighbors. The four biggest
countries of South America lie adjacent: Argentina,
Chile, Brazil, and Peru. But in the event of a threat by
any one of these, the other giants
check the aggressor. For the nation that gets control of

would combine to

Bolivia’s natural wealth can dominate the continent.
This fact lies behind many of the politicai maneuvers

of Juan Domingo Perdén

Prevented from using force against Bolivia,

chief of the Argentine staie.
Perén has
taken a more devious but very effective course.

After the Bolivian revolution of July, 1946, the Revo-
lutionary Junta produced documentary proof that the
fallen dictatorship of Gualberto Villarroel had been in
league with Perén and had planned
vassal siate of Argentina. With his friends the militar-
ists out of power and the interim government opposed
to his schemes, Perén could only hope for a counter-
revolution. Four major efforts to bring one about were
made before February, 1947, and although all were abor-

to make Bolivia a

ALBERT C. HICKS, author of
The Life and Rule of Trujil

from a ivip through South America.

Blood in the Streets:

* pas recently reintnea

tive, they served to shake the structure of the struggling
democracy.

As soon as the interim democratic government was set
up under Judge Tomas Monje Gutierrez, Peronista news-
papers in Buenos Aires loosed a barrage of vituperation
at Monje and his ministers. Two months later a former
Bolivian army officer made an attempt on Monje’s life,
and a mob of revolutionaries, mating a mutitarist
coup, hanged the would-be assassin and two of Villar-
rocl's former henchmen. Perén at once had his Congress
condemn the La Paz government, ch arging that it had
instigated the mob action.

When Bolivians went to the polls to choose a constitu:
1947,
free and democratic by

tional President in January, the elections were

declared entirel Vv objective

observers. Perén’s new spapers, however, screamed that

they were a fraud. Before the results were made official,

Bolivian counter-revolutionaries told Aymara Indians in

the Lake Titicaca region that the La Paz government

planned to massacre them and confiscate their lands.
d

‘ ;
“} :
hey th the In-

en passed out arms and ammunition to
dians and the expected uprising o
|

i After it had
t down there was an investigation into the source

ccurred.
een pu
- the arms, since it was known that Bolivian militarists
had not been alle
Whate
public. If the trail led to Perén, the Bolivian government
could hardly have
Perén’s strongest weapon was starvation.
all shipments of foodstuffs,
packed meats, from pon entina to ~— a. While the
order was put in force immed

the Bolivians did not feel the resu rey of it ato

wed to retain any after the revolution.
ver facts were uncovered, they were not made
been expected to reveal &.

le forbade
including livestock and

iately after the revolution,

nce. But
pparent that they faced a serious

shortage of food. The interim government appealed to
< ‘ aa
the United States for help. Washington rejected the plea
i
on the ground that commitments for food deliveries
elsewhere precluded further exports. This left Bolivia

almost wholly dependent upon Perén, Surrender to his
demands was inevitable if Washington persisted in
refusing aid.

Unfortunately Washington also refused to pay the
price Bolivia sought for the tin of the independent
companies headed by Mauricio Hochschild. Great Britain
has Jong contracted for the total output of the Simon
Patino mines. In 1942 the United States government
signed a contract for the 17,000-ton yearly output of the
independents. The contract ran out this year, and Hoch-
schild, acting for the independents, negotiated with the
Reconstruction Finance Corporation for its renewal with
a rise in price from 69 cents a pound to 76 cents. The
mining companies, backed by the Bolivian government,
which depends upon the exportation of tin for revenue,
argued that the seven-cent rise was in line with the soar-
ing prices of all minerals. The RFC offered to pay first
72, then 73, then 74 cents, but the Bolivian government
stood firm on its demand for 76 cents, maintaining that
increased production costs made mining tin unprofitable
unless this price could be obtained.

Left begging for a tin market, running out of food,
torn by internal strife, its democracy tottering, Bolivia
was ripe for Perén’s plucking by the time Enrique Hert-
zog, elected President in January, took office in Magch.
A trade mission from Buenos Aires headed by a special
ambassador had spent February in La Paz furthering
Perén’s plans with a lavish display of generosity—it
offered to pay 76 cents for the entire tin output of the
independents, to provide a loan of $65,500,000, and
to resume the movement of
foodstuffs into Bolivia. Perén’s
reward was to be Bolivia's eco-
nomic dependence upon Argen-
tina, which in a very short time
must lead to political depend-
ence. Most of the funds in-
volved in the agreement were
to be used for industrial and
transportation projects greatly
needed in undeveloped Bolivia.
These projects, however, were
to be managed by a joint com-
mission dominated by Perén's
appointees.

President Hertzog’s first ma-
jor act was to sign this trade
treaty. One of its provisions
bound Bolivia to ship Argen-
tina 8,000 tons of the independ-
ents’ 17,000 tons of exportable

The NATION

tin in 1947, The tin started moving immediately, the
first shipment being made in March, whereupon the
RIC belatedly rushed in with an offer of 76 cents and
salvaged 9,000 tons of the 17,000 tons.

Having obtained the treaty with Bolivia, Perén an-
nounced to the Argentine Congress that the time had
come to modernize the army. “Our pacifist tradition of
respect for all peoples is not sufficient,” he said. “A
minimum of foresight is necessary in the midst of an
armed world.” The army, he declared, would be the
guardian of the republic and contribute “to the defense
of the southern part of the American continent,” These
utterances were intended not only to intimidate his
neighbors but to remind Washington that in the event
of another world war the Argentina of Perén, proud
possessor of a modernized army and with Bolivia's min-
eral resources at its disposal, would be a force worthy of
respect.

Blueprints for a pan-American military alliance have
long been under consideration in Washington. Spruille
Braden has opposed such an alliance. Even before he
became Secretary of State, General Marshall was con-
sidered one of its leading advocates. Perén wants it
because then the United States would send him more
arms and ammunition.

In his bigger-and-better army speech Perén spoke of
his industrial-socialization program, which would enable
the nation to produce “armaments and materials of
war.” For advocates of the pan-American military alli-
ance in the United States these were reassuring words.
For Bolivia and other neighboring countries they evoked
the image of a bully flexing his muscles. With Argen-
tina in control of Bolivia’s minerals and receiving arms
from the United States, Brazil, the only South American
nation now powerful enough to
stand up to Perén, will find it-
self virtually impotent. Of
course if a military alliance of
all the Americas is formed, Bra-
zil will also receive material aid
from the United States. But Pe-
rén is now in a position to build
a great, aggressive war machine.

As a formidable military
power Argentina would be-
come the Latin American pivot
of a pan-American military-
defense program, The United
States would then be obliged to
rely on Perdén’s integrity and
respect for democracy. But alli-
ance or no alliance, Perén’s rec-
ord indicates that he will fight
on whichever side will best

Aiseniinie teins lene serve his interests.

~ es

1ON

y, the
n the
's and

yn an
e had
ion ot
d. “A
of an
xe the
efense
These

his
event
proud
5 min-
thy of

e have
pruille
ore he
is con-
ants it
) more

yoke of
enable
ials of
fy alli-
words.
evoked
Argen-
ig, arms
merican
ugh to
find it-
it. Of
ance of
sd, Bra-
‘rial aid
But Pe-
to build
rachine.
military
ld be-
in pivot
nilitary-
United
liged to
‘ity and
But alli-
bn’s rec-
ill fight
ill best

June 28, 1947

767

The Chinese Students

JEAN LYON

Pez tping, € hina, May 23

MIXED sense of

tory in the making pervades university

here this week. Nearly five thousand students pa-

traded through Peiping’s main streets three days ago in
spite of a proclamation by Chiang Kai-shek and an emer-
gency measure adopted by the State Council which sug-
gested, although ie was no definite prohibition, that

impending tragedy al of his-
circles

student demonstrations were not welcomed by the gov-
ernment authorities. Other thousands of students in Nan-
king, Shanghai, Tientsin, and more remote university
centers also held demonstrations. Reports of clashes be-
tween students and police or between students and un-
identified persons are still coming in, and several reported
deaths have heightened the tension.

Martial law was invoked in Peiping last night. The
garrison commander has stated that in the future parades
will be forbidden. University authorities, fearful of more
violence and bloodshed, are trying to persuade the stu-
dents that their job is in the classroom and not on the
soapbox.

But the students have certainly found their tongues
and the courage to use them. How significant their
movement becomes may in part depend upon how far
the government means to go in controlling or suppress-
ing them. They seem in the mood this week to defy any
attempt to stop them. “We have a new constitution which
guarantees us freedom of speech,” one of the student
leaders remarked on the day of the parade. Some ob-
servers think this movement may prove to be of as great
historical importance as the student protest against
China's acceptance of Japan’s Twenty-One Demands
after the First World War.

But the political atmosphere in China at present is
such that no one seems quite certain how spontancous,
how unified, or how genuine the movement is. Many
persons, particularly those in government circles, insist
that the strikes were incited by Communist agitators
within the universities. The Generalissimo outlined thts
view in his statement to the nation on the evening of
May 18, after several students had been hurt in a fracas
in Peiping with the 208th Division of the Youth Army,
and at the moment when student strikes were threaten-
ing to become widespread. Some of the students and a

good many acute political observers believe that the agi-

JEAN LYON is correspond nt in China for the North

“American Neu Spaper Alliance.

hin the Kuomin-

tation was first instigated by a clique wit
tang to discredit the group which now dominates the
newly reorganized government. It is thought that as the
demonstrations became widespread, the agitation snow-
balled, and its instigators lost control. A third theory
ts that the students may have a few indeper ndent ideas
of their own, and that the movement is largely honest
student reaction to conditions in the country.

It is indisputable
diet in their college

that the students live on a subnormal
dining-rooms. Only those with
funds from home for supplementary food and those
who can qualify for the limited supplies of bean miik
and the like supplied by international relief organiza-
tions can hope to keep their energy and health up to
the standard necessary to handle their work. The inci-
dence of such diseases as tuberculosis is startlingly high.
Moreover, throughout the war period and in their trek
back east last summer, the students have seen more of
the country and of the conditions prevailing in vast
areas of it than any other student generation in all China's
history. It is not strange, therefore, that in their demon-
stration at Peiping they had two slogans: The people of
China must not starve; the civil war must stop. With
irrefutable logic they maintain that the nation’s economy
has been distorted by the heavy costs of civil war, and
that until the ctvil war ends the people will not have
enough to eat. They have carried their protest far beyond
their own personal needs.

The demonstration was impressive. The students
marched for five hours through the city streets. By the
end of the afternoon their black hair was grayed by the
dust. Hundreds of them ran beside the marchers doing
special jobs along the sidewalks and up the alleys. Some
plastered posters on city gates and garden walls. Some
talked with the shopkeepers and coolies, housewives and
peddlers, who lined the streets. Girl students in blue
diate overalls and boys in faded khaki trousers cartied
buckets of tar and wrote large black-lettered slogans on
whitewashed walls and paving stones. Their hands were

black and their earnest faces smudged and perspiring.
Among the paraders were perhaps a hundred air-force
and army veterans in uniform, a number with service
stripes from Burma campaigns—all now college students.

Behind the demonstration, at least apparently, was
an orderly representative body of thirty students in Peip-
ing from eleven different institutions. Strike headquarters
were in a large classroom building on the Pei-ta (Peiping
National

colleges in the city stayed out of the joint strike and

University) campus. Only two important

Catholic college and China College. On
trike committee were the presidents and officers
regular student associations, which one student

; are R
are organized very much like your Amerti-

ment. We have a congress and an executi'

b udent associations and student assemblies repre-
Senting the entire student-bodics voted on the strike

tion. Tactics were heatedly discussed. One of the argu-
ments was about whether telegrams urging the end of
civil war should be sent to the Communists as well as to
the National Government. Peiyang University students
did send a wire to the Communists. In other universities
the yument prevailed that since they were not in Com-

munist territory messages would have little effect.

Money for the printing of fliers and for the paper
of the hand-made posters was raised in the lobby of
strike headquarters, Students who went in and out of

the building dropped their money in cardboard boxes.

Some forty professors and lecturers at Pei-ta came
out with open expressions of sympathy for the students.
Dr. Hu Shih, Pei-ta’s president, although he had pre-
viously urged the students not to take so much time
off from their studies, allowed them to quote him on

May 19 as being sympathetic, and contented himself
with urging them to keep their demonstration orderly
and controlled.

It would be difficult for anyone not to subscribe to
the two major protests made by the students—against
starvation and rising prices, and against the civil war.
One hears the same protests from almost everyone in
China, whether he is a government representative or a
oadside huckster. In voicing them, the students are
only saying publicly what millions feel. Neither protest
in its simplified form can be called the exclusive prop-
erty of any one political party or group within a party.

Although the students offer no solution for China's
problems, they may, if their actions win widespread sym-

pathy among the people, exert effective pressure upon
the government to make it seek and find a solution.
Whether or not the students will gain great popular
support remains to be seen. It depends partly on the
methods the government adopts to handle the increasing
unrest among them. And it depends partly on the
Students themselves—on whether they are being used
as political puppets or are actually developing a genuine,
unified student movement.

Bigotry in B-Flat

HOW THE BERKSHIRES FACE THE MUSIC
BY HORACE SUTTON

Pittsfield, Massachusetts, June 19
RECISELY at 3:30 p.m., Sunday, July 13, Dr.
Serge Koussevitsky will rap his baton on a music
stand at Tanglewood, Massachusetts, and leading
the orchestra in an all-Bach program formally open the
1947 Berkshire Music Festival. Before the series ends
four weeks later at least a hundred thousand people will
have poured into the village to hear the concerts, operas,
and chorales. They will jam Tanglewood's Finnish-de-
signed, $80,000 Music Shed, spill over on to its green
lawns, lie under its birches, evergreens, and pines. On
Saturday afternoons the crowds will come with their pic-
nic baskets and pay a dollar to listen to the Boston Sym-
phony in rehearsal. On Sunday mornings they will stretch
out in the sun and watch the waters of Stockbridge
Bowl ripple in the summer wind.
When these music lovers seek a place to lay their
heads at nightfall, the story will become less melodious

HORACE SUTTON contributes monthly articles on
travel to The Nation.

than malodorous. According to Haydn Mason, director
of public relations of the Berkshire Hills Conference,
the annual music festivals at Tanglewood aggravate a
Berkshire sore point into what the county now considers
a very important problem. Of the forty-three hotels and
inns which the conference lists in its 1947 vacation
guide Mr. Mason estimates that 50 per cent will not wel-
come Jews. At least one is militant on the subject.
“Actually we would have a problem here anyway be-
cause of our proximity to New York,” says Mr. Mason,
“but the Jewish people are artistic as a race, and the festi-
val has amplified our predicament. I would say that 98
per cent of our inns would have no objection if Jews
would conduct themselves according to ordinary stand-
ards, but they don’t. Here’s what happens. A car pulls
up full of boisterous people. If they turn out to be Irish
—o. k. If they're Italian—o. k. If they're Americans, no-
body says anything. But if they're Jews, thumbs down.”
As the official information center for the Berkshires,
Mr. Mason’s office gets some 15,000 inquiries about
accommodations each year. The letters are opened and
placed in a huge cardboard bia, Regardless of the type

The NATION

tri

lik
thi

ex
wl
an
wl
cot
ing

to
pri
dot
fiel

ish
nat
are
tha

TION

himse!f
order y

cribe to
-agains!
vil war.
yone in
ve of a
nts are
protest
2 prop-
arty.

China's
id sym-
> upon
lution.
opular
on the
reasing
yn the
; used

nuine,

irector
rence,
vate a
isiders
ls and
cation
t wel-

ay be-
{ason,
festi-
lat 98
Jews
stand
pulls
Trish
Ss, no-
wn.”
hires,
about
| and

"type

June 28, 1947

Mason says, each applicant is sent a copy of the

f name, ]

Berkshire Hills Vacation Gu lide, which lists the hotels,
nd another pamphlet which lists guest houses. Neither
mentions clientéle restrictions. The prospective Berkshire

vacationist then makes a selection and writes to one of

the hotels. Mason says that half the hotels listed write
ick, “‘Please be advised we only cater to. ..”’ or “We

' The guest houses, he indicated,

and Jews d

have as much opportunity to mingle with other guests
During the 19

only welcome. . .
not so strict since they do not serve food, o not
16 summer season the festival and its
related activities drew an estimated 160,000 persons to

Berkshires. Of

only one-half coul

this number Mason estimates that

ows

be accommodated with the type of
service and facilities the county would have liked to pro-
vide. Some 10,000 rooms in the county, Mason's office
figures, brought a total return to the area of $100,000
a day. With perhaps an even larger crowd coming this
year, some festival ticket-holders will be sleeping as far
away as Danbury, Connecticut, sixty-two miles to the
south,

The smart Jew who is aware of the local attitude,
Mason says, does not even attempt to find a place in
Berkshire County. He goes to a hotel in rings or he
takes a room at a tourist house on the road before he
gets to the Berkshires. There are 117 tourist houses,
cabins, and small hotels between Danbury and Tangle-
according to Mason's tally. “Other Jews,’ he
says, “may sleep in their cars.”

From Albany to Tanglewood is a thirty-seven-mile
trip, but Mason explains that “it's only ten miles to
Lebanon Valley, which is lined with guest houses.”
Copake Falls, New York,
like the Catskills.’” And Canaan, Connecticut, just over
the state border, he says, is ‘wide open for them

The Berkshire Hills Conference, which functions like

wood,

“90 per cent Jewish, just

a local chamber of commerce, is supported by a tax-

payers’ appropriation and by voluntary contributions.
Although it is denied officially,

exists between the conference, an old, established agency

apparently some strain

which aims to promote the whole Berkshire region over
an eight-month period, and the infant music festival,
which though it lasts only a month overshadows all other
community activities. Mason 7 a townsman as say-
ing last year, “I wouldn't give a dime to the Berkshire
Hills Conference; look at “a the Jews it has brought
to the county.”’ ““We didn’t bring them,” Mason explains
“it’s the music festival that brought them. But
. Some of our best families in Pitts-

privately,
don’t get me wrong
field are Jewish.”

he Berkshire Hill
ish members, has gone on record against racial discrimi-
nation. They say that if any anti-Semitism exists in the
area, they have not fostered or supported it. They agree
that “some resort hotels in the county pursue a restricted-

s Conference, which has two Jew-

769

t Toe, °° + ] mala «it wlan t! 1, :
policy,” but they make it plain that such an atti-

Berkshire

clientéle
ude “does not epresent the policy of the
Hills Conference.” Pittsfield journalists believe that local
anti-Semitism stems mainly from the types of dress af-
fected by the counselors and children from nearby Jew-
ish camps and from the public's behavior at the a
rather than fron A scorching letter
was printed last year in the Berkshire Eagle

itors for sun-bathing and iiaaaes dressin; ¢, With this

“names and faces.”
berating vis-

exception the Eagle has given complete support to the
festival.

Though Pittsfield elders have clearly rejected anti-
Semitism, Jewish visitors to the Berkshires this year may

expen a chilly welcome. A few weeks ago a man and
his ill wife arrived at a New England hotel which they
found to be run down and dilapidated. Hearing of an-
other place where he thought his wife might be more

comfortable, the man called and explained his predica-

ion went like this:

ment. The rest of the conversa

“Yes, we have a double room.’

“Oh, that's fine.”

“Are you a Christian?”

“No, I'm not.”

“Well, then I don’t think you'd be very comfortable
here.”

Tanglewood i
parking space on oe grounds for 4,000 cars
Haven Railroad furnishes limited train
New York to Great Barrington, Stockbridge, Lee, Lenox
and Pittsield. The New Y Bostor
iulso run to Pittsfield. Commercial air service

Massachusetts. There is
The New

service from

ear Lenox,

rk Central and
and Albany
operates to Albany and to Springfield-Westfield, and

there is direct bus service to

} - +
a ¢ a r
me concer

. . 1!
ea from all
neighboring towns.

}’ ~ Qin
Tangle ewood § first two Sund

v.aftern ¢ - -ort ‘
uternoon concer, on

’ > ‘ “11 1 Sane q ! }
July 13 and 20, will be given by skeleton orchestras of

3 , nICICtT ec ‘The Poi!
forty musicians. ihe regu
) é

lar week-end series begin on

July 24, with three sets of programs scheduled for each
Thursday evening, Saturday evening, and Sunday after-

:
1 1
noon thereafter until August 10. Some 400 students who
é
: — > at Tang wd will neemen? chadion ..
re $ Ua) in at ingiewood Willi pe se student-orcines
é
‘ ;
' ¢ } she >
tra concerts, student operas, chamber music, and choral
ncerte 5 leete far the sonlar ceries are E64 far haw
concerts. ickets for the regular se©ries are ¢g AU WUADGS,
as we 4 én ; } naeal aul
$4, $3, and $2 for other reserved seats. General ad
mM > is §? and natran 1 #5 hringe hlainke
mission 1S 9, 1d pa § are vire g Di ets,
¥ .. shotes n ae Pn ‘ lan ¢ ‘
peacn chairs, an cnic iskers. AGM $s 1 to student
, I
T a
> ‘ we ‘
concerts is limited to the Friends of the Berkshire Mus

Center, which invites inquiries at Tanglewood, Lenox
\ ts. All the con oy :
Mas achusett 4 A Lait © cercs OF tne rePuiar series W
- 9 1
be performed by the full Boston Symphony Orchestra
I

pe
~ 4 ~ } ) ~~
with Serge Meee Pes as director.

’ t —

The first cuest conductor in the history of the musi

festival will be Lec nee: Bernstein, who will appear on
eS ee b eee ey eee

Sunday afternoon, July 27—a fact I thought interesting

mae > rmerume? .
under the circumstances.

The NATION

Del Fayo—Socialist Troubles

June the

/ oe ‘ , weel
in wie second ween Ol

; of Europe met at Zurich. Other bigger

s, Secretary Marshall's Cambridge
pass almost unnoticed. Yet it
he

lis van

Second

International. Like

sessions at Clacton, Paris, and Bournemouth, the

Ziirich conference failed to find a solution. A new committee
under French chairmanship was instructed to carry on the
effort and maintain contact among the national parties, But
the problems at issue were fully discussed, and the debate
threw new light on the obstacles ahead.

The main one, of course, arises out of the difficult mterna-
tional situation. The continuing tension between Soviet Rus-
sia and the West has exercised its baneful influence on the
Socialist parties more than on any other political group,
creating such wide divisions as to leave little common ground
on which an international organization could be set up.
While eastern Socialists have tended to move nearer to
Russia, in the degree to which the chance of an accord among
the powers diminishes, Socialists in Western Europe have
generally taken the contrary course. This obstacle to the re-
establishment of the Second International would disappear as
soon as relations between the three big powers improved.
It may have been in the hope that ultimate reconcilia-
tion may be achieved next November at the Foreign Minis-
ters’ conference in London that the Socialists decided to hold
their next meeting one month later, in Belgium.

Intimately dependent upon the course of Russian-Western
relations is the other major problem with which the Euro-
pean parties have been wrestling since the end of the war:
what principles should control Socialist policy toward the
Communists? An intelligent previous report by Dennis
Healey, secretary of the International Section of Transport
House, recognized the special situation in which the Social-
ists of the Eastern European states find themselves. Unlike
certain self-styled progressives who stamp as a Moscow tool
any Socialist leader willing to work with the Communists,
Mr. Healey emphasized the loyalty and wisdom of those east-
ern Socialists who, by adapting their policy to the situation
existing in their countries, have maintained the parties and
preserved a considerable measure of Socialist influence.

The problem is not one that affects Socialists in the eastern
areas only. France has the same problem. So has Italy. And
it presents more than one aspect. It is not merely the ques-
tion of whether one wishes to collaborate with the Com-
munists but of what are the alternatives to collaboration.
British Laborites are here in an advantageous position. While
n power they need not worry lest errors on their part give
Conservatives or Liberals a chance to capture any consid-
erable section of the party’s membership—as, in France, the
M. R. P. has captured from the Socialists considerable num-
bers of voters who oppose collaboration. Nor is there a threat
from the far right such as De Gaulle’s leadership offers the

French Socialists. On the other hand, British Labor is secure
against the left; the Communists so far provide no serious
competition. At each convention the Labor Party promptly
turns down the annual Communist request for affiliation an
passes on to other subjects. In France the highly organized
Communist Party, with 1,000,000 members and 5,000,
voics, cannot be so lightly disposed of. On the contrary, t
French Communists are in a position to capitalize on every
Socialist slip, every sign of weakness, In these circumstances
it is almost impossible to rebuild the Second International on
the basts of a rigid position for or against collaboration th
could be applied indiscriminately to all national sections.

The problem inevitably repeats itself inside each national
party. The Italian Socialists split at the beginning of this
year as a consequence of a long and bitter controversy over
relations with the Communists. In France the party divided
almost evenly in the National Council debate on Premier
Ramadies's decision to govern without the Communist Party.
Out of this dispute came the Executive Committee's dissolu-
tion of the Socialist Youth organization. During the Socialist
commemorative celebration before the Mur des Fédérés the
Socialist Youth had demonstrated against that decision, shout-
ing: “Ramadier must go! Long live workers’ unity!” The
dissolution order followed. Thus another issue has arisen tc
plague the party convention in August.

The Socialist crisis which began soon after the Russian
Revolution and dragged on through the inter-war years until
the authority of the Second International was largely dissi-
pated has been accentuated by the contlicts growing out of
World War II. To the old subjects of controversy have been
added new ones, There is, for instance, the dispute about the
real substance of democracy. Here in America an oversimpli-
fied attitude dismisses as purely Communist any doubt about
the effectiveness of pre-war types of democracy. In Europe
some of the most learned and liberal Socialists are engaged
in a continuing debate on the question of the various repre-
sentative forms of government. There are some who even
maintain that “direct democracy” as practiced by the Com-
mune and the insurrectional sections of Paris seventy-six
years ago was a more genuine expression of the will of the
people than the parliamentary system. Socialists are also
divided om wage and financial policy. Another controversial
point is how to handle the new fascism, which, encouraged
by Allied support of reactionary regimes on the Continent,
is growing increasingly insolent and aggressive.

It is to be hoped that somehow the Socialist parties wil!
succeed in overcoming their present difficulties. Europe needs
them. There is a great mass of Socialist opinion, traditionally
educated in freedom and radicalism, which does not fit in
any other party. Its loss as an effective political force would
be a great one, even for the Communists, although they

often prefer to ignore this and do everything in their power
to weaken the Socialist position. Only the reaction would

benefit by their success.

+
Al

NATION

OF 1S Sec)
> NO serious
promp
iliation a
y Organized
5,000.(

ynitrary,

eon eve
cumstances
1ational on

ration that
1 sectio

h national
1g of this
versy Over
ty divided
1 Premier
nist Party,
's dissolu-
e Socialist
‘dérés the
on, shout.
ty!” The
arisen tc

Russian
ears until
ely dissi-
g out of
ave been
bout the
*rsimpli-
bt about

Europe
engage
is repre e
nO even
e Com-
enty-s
| of the
fe also
Oversial
uraged
uinent,

es wil]
> Meecs
ionally
> fit

would
h they
power

W ou! d

_ — ‘ etna

———

EVERYBODY’S
BUSINESS

BY KEITH HUTCHISON

Shifting the Tax Burden

1 ‘HE tax bill which President Truman has successfully

“ra

vetoed was planned by its Republican authors as a mere
ppetizer, something to keep the G. O. P, angels in a good
imor until the main dish was served next year in time to
stimulate campaign subscriptions. Several reeks ago the
voks began their preparations when Representative Knut-

n’s Ways and Means Committee opened hearings on re-
vision of the Internal Revenue Code. At the same time
» committee summoned to its aid an allegedly bi-partisan
oup of advisers, heavily weighted with conservative busi-
ness men, under the chairmanship of Roswell Magill, Colum-

1 law professor and former Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury.

Despite this paraphernalia of careful inquiry there is some
reason to suppose that leading Republicans on the com-
mittee have already made up their minds about the broad
changes to be made in the tax system. In its Tax Report on
June 11 the Wall Street Journal gave an interesting preview
of fiscal events to come. The Republicans, it said, would not
succeed in trimming federal expenditure this year to less than
$34 billion, and further economies in the 1949 budget,
which will precede the Presidential election, are not likely
to be impressive, since ‘Republican leaders are already passing
the word that they will be more generous next year in appro-
priating funds for reclamation projects and other domestic
I The Wall Street Journal goes on to explain that
this means budgets well in excess of $30 billion at least
until June 30, 1949, and only modest margins for tax reduc-
tion, apart from that provided in the vetoed bill. Conse-
quently “the emphasis in Congress is shifting from tax re-
ief to tax-law revision, meaning redistribution of the tax

programs.”

yurden,””

The probable nature of that redistribution is indicated by
the choice of Professor Magill to head the advisory commit-
tee, for he is well known as an advocate of excises and other
In the Tax Review of March, 1947, he set

eas on what to do about taxes. His
‘since we believe in free enterprise,

indirect taxes.
forth at some length his id
major premise was that °
we must do all we can to make it work.” What makes it
“Essentially the driving force . . . of business man-
answers the Professor, whose minor premise,
therefore, is “that the tax system should be so drawn as to
encourage and develop the incentives of American business
men to produce and work.”” What will do this? More “take-
home pay’ for executives and investors. So, Professor Magill
concludes, the first step in a sound tax program would be a
sharp downward revision of surtax rates with a ceiling of
50 per cent on any income. A second necessary step, in order
to encourage investment, would be the elimination of the
present double taxation of that part of a corporation's in-
come which is distributed in dividends,

work ?

agement,”

r Magill believes that the budget can be trimmed

Professo
farther than it has been but concedes that it will remain
much higher than before the war. Hence there is need to

compensate for the loss of revenue which his tax reforms
produce, Formerly, he points out, the government drew most

of its revenues from indirect taxes, but in recent years it

has relied increasingly on income taxes. We should now, he

considers, reverse this trend and “make use of the excises

to mect a substantial share of the tremendous expenses
we face.”

The idea, in short, is to shift the tax burden from invest-
ment to consumption, from the high to the middle and low
brackets, which will no doubt be consoled to know that ia
theory taxes on consumption make for more stable revenue.
Supposedly, when national income nose-dives, the yield from
income taxes drops much more steeply than that from excises
and sales taxes. As Professor Magill “People

smoke and buy liquor and go to the movies in bad times as

explains:

well as in good.” but most people indulge in such

luxuries very much less in bad times, And they certainly buy

Perhaps,
fewer automobiles, tires, radios, refrigerators, sporting goods,
transport, and telephone calls—some of the goods and serv-
ces on which excises are now levied.

Personally I am very skeptical about the theory th:
taxes would prove a stable source of revenue in the event of
a sharp fall in national income. Our present system of excises
and although it covers
luxuries, it also covers few

has never been tested by a depression,
many things which are hardly
it is based on arti-

that are absolute necessities. That is to say,

cles for which the demand is fairly flexible. To make the

system proof against depression

it would be necessary to

include within it the real essentials of life—basic food and
clothing. A good stiff sales tax on bread, for instance, would
under all conditions. It

be a very steady source of revenue

might even yield more in bad times, for then people eat
more bread and less of the quality foods. A tax oa milk
would also help to fatten the Treasury. Alas for the tax re-
formers! The exclusion of staple food and clothing is, as the
Wall Street Journal regretfully admits, ‘politically necessary.”

It seems to me, therefore, that wc e the Republicans get
very far with their current going to

find themselves in a three-pronged dilemma. If they want to

investigation they are

use sales taxes as stabilizers of revenue, they must commit
political suicide by levying them on basic necessities. If, on
the other hand, they decide to cross the depression bridge
when they come to it and concentrate on increasing excise
revenue now so as to compensate for income-tax reductions,
they will have to tax all currently untaxed articles, except
food and clothing, very si ween, ially in order to
lion or two extra. It is doubtful, in fact, if the 7% to 10 pet

Gearhart
is toying with would prove sufficient.

to be very

the price level, and

raise a bil-

cent manufacturers’ excise tax which Repceecntetive
of California

It would be hig
at a time when everyone is kicking at
might well cause a substantial shrinkage in demand. In that
case the shifting of the tax burden from investment to con-
sumption would result
investment. Sometimes our tax
even more important incentive to producers
an effective demand for the product,

h enough, however, unpopular

discouraging to
forget that an
than low taxes is

in conditions ver
“reformers”

BOOKS aud the ARTS

AMERICAN AUTHORS’ AUTHORITY—ROUND II

'HE plan for the establishment of
pe American Authors’ Authority,
brain-child of James M. Cain and the
» Writers’ Guild

sceimcd to nave

OI Hollyw ood,

reen
1

been smothered

w Dich

by controversy a few months after its

, ! ! LK
InCCy tion last July, nas recenuly been re-
,

. <a aa rT
vived. The Screen Writers’ Guild has

published a special supplement to the
March number of its official magazine
setting forth some of the arguments for
and against the proposal to set up a cen-

tral authority of which the four guilds
of the Authors’ League of America—
Writers’,
the Radio Writers’, and the Authors’—

}
and to

the Screen the Dramatists’,
would be member organizations,
which authors would assign their copy-
rights with a view to facilitating bar-
gaining for fairer practice in author-em-
ployer relations. The supplement con-
tains a breezy foreword by Mr. Cain
describing the ‘Tough Mag’’ whom he
designates to captain the team of “ring-
backfield”

forward-passing, swivel-hipping guy at
“fast ends’”—which

ers in the ‘\drop-kicking,
quarterback” and
constitutes his prospective leadership of
the A. A. A.; among other items are the
proposed Articles of Incorporation and
the By-Laws, couched in legal terms and
claiming to incorporate ‘modifications
of the original proposal.”

That the revised plan contains any
modifications of or improvements over
the original plan is vigorously denied
by the American Writers’ Association, a
body formed under the presidency of
Rupert Hughes specifically to combat the
A. A. A. plan at the time of its launch-
ing. The American Writers’ Association
asserted then, and still asserts, that the
A. A, A. would set up a control over
authors similar to that exercised by
Petritlo over the musicians of this coun-
try, that it threatens the writer's freedom
ef expression, that the revised plan gives
the proposed authority “the same abso-
lute power over the work of writers that

was so dangerous in the first plan,” and

BY ANTHONY BOWER

;
that it completely ignores the profound
difierence between the problems con-

1 +}

creen writers ana tne pro

fronting: lery
ironting i€ims

r j ' >t

faced by free-lance writers, poets, novel-
ists, and textbook authors.

That there is a profound difference
between these two categories of writers
The
ployed on a salary basis
lives the

1S very true. screen writer, em-

Dy a movie
company, uncomfortable life
rs on.masmine Gchbinkcowsta+ mince.
O1 a wage carning cnenerazade; more
and by

over, his work automatically

established custom becomes the prop-
erty of the company as he writes it. The
free-lance author deals with his pub-
lisher on very different terms. The usual
contract—for an author whose popular-
ity is not absolutely established—would
give him an advance of between $500
and $1,500 against royalties of 10 pex
cent on the first 2,500 copies of the
book sold (based on the retail price),
121/, per cent on the next 2,500 copies,
and 15 per cent thereafter. This is stand-
ard practice and, in general, is consid-
ered fair. Practice in regard ‘> subsidiary
rights is, however, by no means stand-
ardized and very often not considered
fair; it is in this field that the A. A. A.
declares that the free-lance author is
insufficiently protected and would benefit
by the establishment of a centralized au-
thority. Subsidiary rights are book-club,
reprint, first-serial, second-serial, movie,
radio, dramatic, foreign (British), and
translation (foreign non-British) rights.
The publisher usually retains a 50 per
cent share of the beok-club, reprint, and
second-serial rights, and an interest, sub-
ject to negotiation, in the foreign and, if
possible, the film rights. The rest of the
subsidiary rights customarily remain
with the author, but the contract varies
according to the ability of the author's
agent, the popularity of the author, and
the disposition of the publisher.

No one denies that the author is
sometimes the victim of sharp practice,
particularly in the matter of subsidiary
rights; the present professional organi-

zations—the four guilds, the Authors’
League, the American Pen Women, the
A. W. A., and the prospective A. A. A,

ire all in agreement on this point. B
the A. A. A. contends that the present
Organizations have, in all the years of
their existence, done too little to im-
prove the situation in the matter of “the
copyright laws, separation of rights, re-
vision of tax laws, or protection of civ!
rights.” The present copyright law is
superannuated, dating from an era when
movie and radio rights were undreamed
of, and allowing an author no claim to
his copyright until the publisher makes
it for him—an act interpreted by some
publishers as giving them a permanent
interest in all rights stemming from the
copyright. Conformity, and more lberal-
ity toward the author, in the matter of
subsidiary rights is generally approved.
The present tax Jaws are most certain'y
unfair to writers, and an 2 thor’s civil
rights, particularly in regard to prosecu-
tions for indecency, are sometimes too
feebly defended. All this is recognized
more or less by both sides

It is the method of approach which
is the subject of contention. The esta!
lished organizations and the A. W.
want to leave things to t'me and
themselves. The A. A. A. wants to en-
bark on an immediate crusade and to sct
about “belling cats,” in the form of
publishers, editors, and radio and movie
companies, in short order The means
by which it proposes to do this are
stated in two of the proposed Articles
of Incorporation of the A. A. A. Para-
graph 3 reads: “To hold in trust for the
creators, the copyright, title, and
forms of interest and ownership in, liter-
ary properties of all kinds, and to as-
sign, deal in, transfer, dispose of, li-
cense, lease, and grant interests an
rights of all kinds in such properties.
And Paragraph 4 reads: ‘To act as trus-
tee, representative, or in any other ca-
pacity on behalf of creators of literary
properties and owners of interesis

”

Authors’
omen, t!

A. A. A,
point. b
le prese:
years of
le to
°r of “the
‘ights, re
n of ci
it law is
era when
idreamed
claim to
er makes
by some
ermanent
from the
e liberal-
natter of
pproved.
certain!y
rs civil
prosecu-
imes too
cognized

h which
1e esta!
WwW.
and

5 to em-
id to set
orm of
d movie
» means
this are
Articles
\. Para-
for the
ind

n, liter-
| to as-
of, li-
ts and
erties.”
as trus-
her ca-

litera ry
ile resis

June 28, 1947

therein, including, without limiting the
zenerality of the foregoing, to take all
iwful steps to preserve, enforce, and
protect rights arising out of, or under,
ypyright, title, or other interests in liter-
ary contracts, give quittances and re-
leases.”

It is to these articles that the A. W. A.
takes particular objection. It maintains
that with the legal title to his work as-
signed to the A. A. A. the author would
be completely at its mercy; it would be

th a holding company and a closed
shop, the owner of his property and the
eventual dictator of his thoughts. Once
the Authority had established its con-
trol over the literary market, which to be
really effective it would have to do, it
could easily dictate the moral and po-
litical content of the works it handles
and successfully boycott any writer of
whom it disapproved. By its very con-
struction it could, and probably would,
come under the control of a militant
minority, and the freedom of the writer
and his essential integrity as a creative
being would be intolerably threatened.

Without doubt there are valid argu-
ments on both sides. Publishing has be-
come a vast commercial enterprise.
Banks and stockholders demand a good
return On their investments and dictate
up to a point the policy of some houses,
and the author is at times the victim of
increasing commercialism. The Authors’
League has been in existence for thirty-
five years, and all abuses have not yet
been righted. The A. A. A., if it were
established, would undoubtedly start its
career with vigor and redress some
wrongs; later it might well become mo-
nopolistic and dictatorial. The remark-
able part, however, of the whole contro-
versy is the vituperative quality of the
attack and counter-attack. The A. W. A.
has said bluntly of the A. A. A., “It
happens to be a notorious fact that those
who hatched the plan and those most

energetic in pushing it are of the pro-
Communist persuasion.” Mr. Cain is
here excused (‘It is only fair to say that
Mr. Cain himself does not seem fully
aware of the implications of the plan
but to have been the carrier of other
men’s ideas”). Mr, Cain says of the op-
ponents of his plan that though they
might not compose “as one newspaper
said, a fascist front, there was no getting
away from it that some of its more vocal
members had got themselves nice little

Stalag Luft

In the yard, by the house of boxes,

I Jay in the ditch with my bow;

And the train’s long mourning whistle
Wailed from the valley below

Till the sound of my rabbit gnawing
Was the grasses’ tickling shadow,
And I lay dazed in my halo

Of sunlight, a napping echo

I saw through rainbow lashes

The barred and melting gaze

Of my far-raiding captors.

(The dappled mustangs graze

By the quills of the milky leggings.)
After some feverish days

They smile, and the numbing laces
Are cut from my wrists with praise.
When I woke the rabbit was gnawing
His great, slow, ragged bites

From the wood of the wired-in hutches,
And dusk had grayed the white
Leghorns hunched on the roosts of their run
The train mourned below

For the captives—a thinning echo....

WHAT YOUNG PEOPLE OUGHT TO LEARN

‘Plato and Shakespeare, or manual training and

business methods? The battle raging on the subject
ef curriculum is here joined by two witty and un-
inhibited men. They arrive at a unified, humanistic
curriculum aimed to unbind Smith (the average
college freshman) from the shackles of mal-educa-
tion. Whether you agree with them or not, you will
never again be complacent on the subject of educa-
tion after reading their stimulating argument.

$2.50 at all bookstores MACMILLAN

By ERNEST N. DILWORTH and WALTER LEUBA.

reputations OVC
as militant react!
for corporate

Among the caln

r publi hed in

I Id ha

Mar 1] ment of the Screen

lan because he
rrender of copy-

the author and because of the

inherent possibility of boycott and con-
trol by the A. A. A., an
well, in an
makes the
that ‘‘of

best-sellers have nothing to worry about,

Taylor Cald-

interview which she

rather surprising statement

course writers who are not
so they can despise any sort of union
of authors,” comes out in full support
ot the Authority.

When even the ideological lines are
none too clearly drawn—what with Up
ton Close and Dorothy Thompson in op-
position to the plan and Taylor Cald-
well, poor deluded Mr. Cain, and the
how is the
To climb on

crypto-commies in favor
outsider to choose sides?
the fence requires more effort than rest-
ing in statu quo, and for the line of least
resistance there seems to be a valid argu-
ment. The present airing of grievances
may provoke movie and radio com-
panies and publishers to a general adop-
tion of practices more favorable to au-
thors; moreover, most authors are in the
capable business hands of agents, and

GIFT FOOD PARCELS
FOR OVERSEAS

Relax on Your Vacation—
We will take complete charge of making
up and shipping your parcels!

No. 7OA—$4.95 | No. 74-—-$7.10

7 oz. vegetable fat 1 Ib. butter

12 oz. Spam 1 jar Nescafe

1 can Instant Coffee | 1 Ib. dehyd. potatoes
2 Ib. milk powder 1 Ib. pempernickel

1 ib. jom 1 ib. corned beef

1 Ib. Forine “ Ib. milk powder

Va Ib. chocolates 1 bb, rice

2 candles Va Ib. chocolate

Including postage, packing, insurance
post office receipt on request

Ask for further information
on individual parcels

NOW—22 Ibs. te England and Germany

J. KOHLS

PERSONAL PARCEL SERVICE
315 WEST 102nd ST. NEW YORK 25, N. Y.
Academy 2-3844

the victims among them are

tively few. The A. W. A. seems to have
proved that there is at least a slight dan-
ger that a central authority such as the
A. A. A. might establish a monopolistic
control over the output of authors, and
though writers have survived through
the ages the most drastic threats to their
freedom, and though as Henry James re-
marked there is always “the periodical
prattle about the future of fiction,”
there is no point in self-inflicted coer-

still

cion.

NOTES BY THE WAY
By MARGARET MARSHALL
OME WEEKS AGO I reviewed
“The Girl and the Ferryman” by

Ernst Wiechert, an anti-Nazi German

writer who stayed in the Third Reich

and yet managed to survive honorably.

The book seemed to me to be permeated

by the elements we have come to think

of as Germanic in the bad sense—crude
mysticism of the earth-and-birth variety
and an utter humorlessness—which
bothered me until I found that it was

an old novel published in 1932.

Now Greenberg: Publisher has
brought out “Forest of the Dead”
($2.50), a new book by Wiechert, in
which he gives an account, in the third
person, of his quarrel with the Nazis
and his sojourn in Buchenwald.

The name Wiechert assigns to his
principal character is Johannes. The
hero of Johannes was, and apparently
still is, Martin Niemdller. When the
pastor was taken, Johannes’s dreams
were haunted, and it was his obsession
with Niemdller’s fate that led him fi-
nally to write a letter to the branch office
of the Nazi Party in his district, a letter
in which he quoted the Fihrer of the
Reich, no less, who had “‘dared to say:
‘Justice must be justice, even for Ger-
mans.’ ” Johannes knew what must hap-
pen as a result of his act but was easier
in his mind for having taken his stand.
He quietly went about preparing for
the ordeal, disturbed only by fears for
his family and doubts of his capacity
to resist his torturers. Soon afterward
he started on his journey through hell.

After some preliminary stages he
reached the Forest of Beeches. Buchen-
wald then was filled not with “foreign
slaves” but with Germans who were

opposed to the regime and whose fate

The NATION

was so persistently 1gnored by the world
at large. Mass exterminaticn had not
yet begun, but cruelty in all its forms,
both crude and subtle, held holiday in
the dismal place—leaving its marks not
only on the beaten bodies of the vic.
tims but even more vividly on the faces
and bearing of the persecutors.

Johannes was maltreated less than
many others, but his imagination and
his sympathy for his fellow-prisoners
caused him to suffer even the kicks and
blows and indignities which he himself,
by chance, did not incur.

That morning Johannes stepped
out of the barracks to see the elegant
physician busy throwing rocks in
order to disperse the patients that
had gathered. . . . When the yard
was empty, he brushed off his gloves
and said, “Cowardly mob!’ and
went back into the barracks. When
he had disappeared inside, those who
had fled came from behind the trees
and took up their old places.

A stone in the back of the
could '- fatal, and Johannes was present
on one occasion when an old man was
struck down and killed in this way. And
there were other, equally haphazard
ways. Death was truly a casualty in
Buchenwald.

After several months Johannes’s re-
lease came, unexpectedly and suddenly.
“Everybody came and wished him luck.
His heart was heavy as he looked into
their silent eyes. No farewell anywhere
hurts more than that from a concentra-
tion camp.” And Johannes departed,
but he carried with him a heavy burden.

head

The wounds Johannes bore were
not merely his own, not only those
of the thousands whom he would
leave behind, nor even were they
only those of his own people. All of
humanity had been shamed here, and
who could say that this was possible
only with his own nation and the
other “dictatorships”? Time had dug
deep into the ground beneath the
nations, and from the depths stink-
ing springs had gushed forth. But
no one knew how far they branched
below the earth and what would be
the fate of other people if their soil
were drilled.

Wiechert tells his story in muted and
rather pious terms—he is a devoutly re-
ligious man—but it is none the less
impressive. One may feel that Johan-

‘ATION

+ the world
21 had not
its forms,
holiday In
marks not
f the vic.
1 the faces
rs.

less than
ation and
-Prisoners
kicks and

e himself,

stepped
elegant
cks in
its that
re yard
; gloves

and
When
se who
ie trees

he head
$ present
man was
ray. And
iphazard
ualty in

1es's re-
iddenly.
im luck.
ed into
1ywhere
ncentra-
eparted

burden.

were
those
vould
they
All of
x and
ssible
1 the
| dug
} the
tink-
But
iched
id be
> soil

ed and
tly re-
e less

Johan-

June 28, 1947

nes's admiration for Nieméller was mis-
placed and find his simple religious
approach a bit archaic. But one can only
have profound respect for his purity
and integrity, his modesty and his cour
age. And in an age when that minute

particular, the human individual, has alli
but disappeared from the calculations
of those who rule and misrule the world,
and always in his name, Wiechert'’s
abiding respect for “God's image”’ is
salutary.

I] RECENTLY SPENT a week-end in
Vermont, where the spirit of Coolidge
still broods over what is surely one ot
the most beautiful of landscapes. Walk-
ing about the courthouse lawn in a little
town I remarked upon the fine view
to a man who was cutting the grass
“Yes,” he replied, and it might have
been Cal himself rejecting my fancy
language, “you can see off quite a piece. ’

Metaphysical or So

THE WELL-WROUGHT URN. By
Cleanth Brooks. Reynal and Hitch-
cock. $3.50.

R. BROOKS'’S new book on the

well-made poem — his pleasant
title is from Donne, naturally, but re-
fers also to urns in Shakespeare, Gray,
and Keats—comments at length on ten
well-known English poems in terms of
their structure, the key word being “‘par-
adox”; an eleventh chapter essays a
theory of poetry; in appendices the au-
thor argues with other critics, and re-
prints the poems, except “Macbeth”
and “The Rape of the Lock.” He is
reliably acute on Donne's “The Canoni-
zation,” Herrick’s “‘Corinna’s going
a-maying”; interesting in developments
of Miss Spurgeon’s discovery of the ob-
sessive clothes imagery in “Macbeth”;
very good on the light-dark symbolism
in “L’Allegro—Il Penseroso,” and on
Yeats’s “Among School Children,”
though “Her present image’’ unques-
tionably refers to an aged woman (the
error produces a whole system of mis-
understanding), and to dismiss the
poet’s doctrine of prenatal recollection
as merely “fantastic” is fantastic. The
same dismissal in part accounts for an
unacceptable reading of Wordsworth’s
Ode,. but other critical defects are re-
sponsible as well: a disbelief in the
literal, and oversubtlety. For this last

775

Practical Psychiatr

(Between Mental Health and Mental Disease)
BY DR. B. LIBER

Adj. Professor of Psychiatry, Director of a Mental Hygiene Clinic

PRACTICAL PSYCHIATRY is a book
on mental hygiene dealing with EVERY-
DAY difficulties of the average person
rather than with rare or very abnormal
cases. It deals with conditions which oc-
cur in all classes of society, among ail
sorts of people. There is hardly a family
eamat wil free from some mental trouble.

As a guide to mental health and psychic
happiness, it helps the individual to solve
his own and his family’s problems and to
adjust himself and others to surrounding
circumstances and to society as a whole.
In the first place it teaches where the
trouble lies. It traces the growth of the
mind from childhood through adolescence
to maturity and discusses the question of
SEX and MARRIAGE frankly.

It is recommended by reviewers and great authorities

New York World-Telegram: “A well-
known physician tells how some of our
most alarming anxieties and difficulties
yield to mental hygiene.”"—The Pbila-
delphia Inquirer: “Dr. Liber has per-
formed a valuable service in giving the
layman a means of intelligent understand-
ing of mental health without tiring, scar-
ing of boring the reader.” — Medical
Times: “The practical aspects are empha-
sized without delving into the. contro-
versial theoretical considerations or tech-
nical terminology. It is one of the best
books the reviewer has seen for the intel-
ligent layman in which sense
psychiatry is kept to the front.”—Dr.
Adolf Meyer, Dean of American psy-
chiatrists says: “I like your direct com-
mon sense which gives valuable data to
the reader.”"—Upton Sinclair: Out of your
long experience you have offered your
readers a great deal of common sense and

common

advice." — The Atlanta Journal, N. Y.
State Journal of Medicine, N. Y. Medical
Week, The Daily Worker have also

praised this book.—Etc., etc.

From the Table of Contents:

What Is the Mind?—Mental Adjust-
ment—Confiicts—Causes of Mental Dis-
eases—Personality—Bad Habits—Indus-
trial Intoxications—Normal and Abnormal
—Incipient Psychoses—Child Uphbringine
—Feeblemindedness—Child Delinquency
— Masturbation — Impotence — Homosex-
ualism—Incest— Marital Troubles —psy-
chosomatic Life or Body and Mind—Pub-
lic Enemies or Who Is Who in Driving?
—Mental Depression—Neurosis—Psycho-
neurosis — Hysteria — Schizophrenia or

The book contains 432 pages, is beautifully printed
and elegantly bound in cloth. Price $3.50.

Ask for it in bookstores or order direct from

Distributor: HARTSDALE HOUSE

220 WEST 42 STREET

With a minimum of theory and tech-
nical terminology and about 250 case his-
tories as illustrations, all taken from the
author's wide experience, this volume of-
fers a practical and sensible approach to
the almost normal and slightly abnormal
or mildly unadjusted person seeking to
correct the mental entanglements that
confront him in this complex world.

PRACTICAL PSYCHIATRY is the
pioneer book on the incipient or light
mental cases or the transition cases be-
tween mental healih and mental disease.

It is written for doctors and for in-
telligent laymen. Anyone who can read
any book can read it with much profit.

From the Newest Reviews:

The Deseret News, Salt Lake City (June
12, 1947): “This book is intended for
the laiety and, while avoiding technical
discourse as much as a doctor can, it
gives fascinating descriptions of the symp-
toms of oncoming troubles with analysis
of results, prevention and treatment. And
it provides the information in a lucid and
authoritative manner.” — Frank Winn.
(This reviewer calls some of the stories
“literature worthy of the classics’ and
about other parts he says, “they could be
easily seized upon by some morte mag
nate desirous of making an authentic
picture.”’)

The Sunday Mirror (New York, June
8, 1947: “When an expert like Dr. Liber
writes a popularly slanted book ‘Popular
Psychiatry’ and writes it so that the aver-
age paper-cover bookman can get plenty
of help from it in matters sexual and
mental, we give pause and thanks.”—
Charles A. Wagner.

Splitmindedness — Dementia Praecox —
Alcohol and the Mind—Fear and Sugges-
tion—Paranoia—Hitler’s Mind and Sim-
ilar Minds—The Mental Health of the
Soldier and of the War Veteran: Induc-
tion, Rehabilitation, Patriotism and Pseu-
do-Patriotism, Back to Civilian Life, Pop-
ulation and War — Poverty — Wore and
Mind — Mental Health, Prevention and
Treatment of Mental Disease—Glossar:
and generous Index

NEW YORK 13, N. Y.

776
Mr. Brooks Apol v1Z¢ so ofte 1 tl at it
seems unan able } h m W th

to charge
it, but there it is, and it corrupts also
the ac
Urn”

one feels perhaps some failure of taste,

ounts of the “Ode on a Grecian

and
as with eighteenth-century poetry. He
does not recognize the Housman-like
passion flickering in the opening stanzas
and steady in the final stanzas of Gray's
“Elegy” (for West's death, when he
first began the poem, as well as for
himself, the “Elegy” wants compar-
ing with “Lycidas’); and his study of
Pope is not likely to satisfy anyone
familiar with the magical variety, of Be-
linda’s great poem—for instance, of the

couplets where the rape occurs:

The Peer now spreads the glitt’ring
Forfex wide,

T'inclose the Lock; now joins it, to
divide. ees

The meeting Points the sacred Hair
d ssever

From the fair Head, for ever and for
ever!

The book contains admirable remarks
and much truth, besides having the
merit of directing attention to such
poems. Taking a low view of its reader,
however, it is perhaps good teaching
rather than criticism; and its prose is
troubling. Three points related to the
analyses have general interest for even
a brief review. Of Macbeth’s speech
about the grooms’ daggers “‘unmannerly
breech'd with gore,”
paraging quotation from Abbott (p.
29) just short of the sentence in which
Abbott, following Warburton and John-
son, explains what Mr. Brooks ignores,
that “language so forced is only appro-
priate in the mouth of a conscious mur-

he stops a dis-

dissembling guilt.” Tennyson's
ships in “Break, Break, Break’
seem “idle and finally irrelevant” only
if in connection with the “vanished
hand” of the next line their stateliness
on their way “To their haven under the
hill’ has failed to produce in the critic
the image of a funeral procession it
recalled in the poet. And more talk
about Keats's insistence on “Beauty is
truth, truth beauty” was made unneces-
sary some ten years ago by H. St.
Quentin's realization that “Ye’’ means
not everybody-in-time-to-come but the
figures on the urn (whose experience
now is limited to the Beautiful as there

derer
can

Tears, Idle Tears.”’ But here

‘tease ws out of

depicted—whence
thought,” the
above); the aphorism alone should be

in quotation marks as in Forman and

line always ignored

De Sélincourt, though regrettably not
in Garrod’s recent edition. Critics from
Eliot on have wasted time largely over
this,

Either I imperfectly understand Mr.
Brooks's theory of poetry (‘‘a structure
of meanings, evaluations, and interpre-
tations; and the principle of unity which
informs it seems to be one of balancing
and harmonizing connotations, attitudes,
and meanings’) or there is nothing very
new about it. A poem, I take it, cannot
contain one thing only: out of several
things it makes its single effect. Some
of these, we learn, are different from

others. In the laboring of this, “para-

dox”” behaves like an acrobat. I share
Mr. Brooks's interest. in the history of
English pcetry and his resistance to the
pinch the di-
versity of observable phenomena into a

critical relativists, but to

single set of terms or insist on anything

resembling a unanimity of style

seems
to me to be indiscreet, or worse. Worse,
because it will blind you. Every man
is entitled to insensitivities; but when,
in one of his rare forays into the ju-
dicial, the critic writes of “More happy
love! more happy, happy love!” “I am
not sure that this stanza can altogether
be defended. . . . There is a tendency
to linger over the scene sentimentally:
the repetition of the word happy is per-
haps symptomatic of what is occurring,”
one wonders what he thinks of another
line hitherto much and miserably ad-
mired: “Never, mever, never,
never.”” He writes, in fact, "The method
of art can, I believe, never be direct—is
always indirect.” I wonder.
JOHN BERRYMAN

never,

Understanding Russia

A HISTORY OF RUSSIA. By Sir Ber-
nard Pares. Fifth Edition. Revised
and Enlarged, Alfred A. Knopf. $5.

RUSSIA IN PERSPECTIVE. By George
Soloveytchnik. W. W. Norton and
Company. $3.

Russia it will not be the fault of the
publishers. Here we have two additions
to the spate of books designed to dispel
our ignorance of that country by au-

Ls WE continue to misunderstand

The NATION

thors who may fairly be described as
anti-Communist but pro-Russian. Both
are historians, and both make the point
that the policies of the Soviet govern.
ment can be better explained by their
examination in the light, of Russian
history and geography than by reference
to the works of Marx and Lenin.

Sir Bernard Pares has given both
heart and mind to Russia since he first
went there in 1904, The period of
revolution caused a painful separation,
but once Stalin had consolidated his
power and proved he was first and fore-
most a Russian patriot, reconciliation
was achieved. Now Sir Bernard is prob-
ably as persona grata at the Kremlin
as he once was at Tsarskoe Selo. Neve:-
theless, he is a candid friend who has
plenty of harsh words for the purges
and for the frequent brutalities of Sovict
economic policy.

At the same time in an epilogue,
which together with a chapter on “‘the
second Fatherland War’ forms the new
material in this edition, he admits to
“much general sympathy” with the
broad aims of Soviet foreign policy. He
regards it as unfortunate that “nearly
all the sharpest debates in the U. N. are
challenges to a Russian recovery of what
she had before 1914 or to questions that
are to be solved on her doorstep.” That
is to say, they are geographical rather
than ideological challenges and appear
to the Russians an effort to reimpose the
cordon sanitaire. As such they will be
strenuously resisted and, Sir Bernard
suggests, could lead to a Russian-Ger-
man combination that would be a
deadly threat to the West. To avert that
danger, he declares, we should try to
understand the historical basis for Rus-
sia’s policies and concede to it the
equality of treatment to which it is en-
titled by its power and achievements.
That done, the Soviet Union would be
likely to concentrate on peaceful inter-
nal development and the ghost of world
revolution would be laid.

The author of “Russia in Perspective”
makes much the same point. Mr. Solo-
veytchnik, who fled from the red terror
as a young man and is now a British
subject, urges us to remember that ‘‘de-
spite all possible relapses into Com-
munist technique and phraseology, Rus-
sian history has resumed its course and
that the world is once more dealing, not
with a synthetic revolutionary body, but

ATION

cribed ag
ian. Bot)
the point
t govern-
by

~ Russian

referer @
in.
ven bot)

e he first
eriod of
»paration,
lated his
and fore-
nciliation

1 is pre

Kremlia
». Never-
who has

e purg S
of Sovict

epilogue,
on “the
the new
dmits to
vith tl
olicy. He
| “nearly
J. N. are
of what
ions that
p.” That
al rathe:
j appe
ipose t! e
will be
ernard
ian-Ger-
1d be a
vert that
d try
for Rus-
» it the
it is en-
vements.
vould be
ul inter-
of world

pective”
Solo-

-d terror
British
hat “‘de-
o Com-
gy, Rus-
irse and
ling, not
ody, but

lune 28, 1947

e eternal Russia
ie he gives us an impressionistic
un hi

‘tch of Russi tory which stresses

continuity between the old Russia

the new. Like the most modern
ol of Soviet historians he sees a
ir line from Vladi
ind Prince of
in the Terrible and
Generalissimo Stalin
All the same, fellow-traveiers will

like this book, for although it
hes many of their conclusions, it
es facts and argumen ‘
tevotees of the U. S ° R. will find
rhly embarrassing. Mr.

oloveytchnik
the last thirty years in Russia, not
advance toward socialist

ocracy, but as a bloody retreat from

a glorious

antastic utopianism to a more or less

We need

munism,

rmal system of autocracy
longer fear “militant com
ures us: ‘There is a new Soviet

xcracy today, and it does not differ
atly from any other privileged class
its formative period.”

While I believe this statement has a
ge element of truth, I do not find
rticularly reassuring. Nor am I happy
be told that the Soviet state of today
‘presents a tionalist tra-
That

mixture, as Napo-

synthesis of na
ms and revolutionary im} pulses.
a very explosive
con once proved.

KEITH HUTCHISON

Memorandum
REFUGEES IN AMERICA. By Maurice

R. Davie. Harper and Brothers. $4.50.

EPRESENTATIVE Frank W. Fel-
lows of Maine is a man with a
House

d natu-

evance. As chairman of the

subcommittee On immigration an
ilization, he told the New York Times

aba he has been receiving

vast
juantities of mail from all parts of the
ountry urging favorable action on a
bill to ease our immigration restrictions
a favor of D. P.’s in Europe. Mr.

“tremendous pres-
” IT wish he

what type of tre-
y}

ead described it as
re of the type I

~ A cr step
ad gone on to specify

don’t l ke
mendous pressure he did like; never-
theless, because I had some experience
luring the war in handling government
paper in Washington, I sympathize with
the Representative from Maine and his
hard- pressed staff, which is having to

, , e ot
me toting bags : + ram
I ing Oags Ol = ims

tead of thinking. It occurs

I that it might be

eel its tis

to me,
ful if I

America,’

cast my review of ‘Refugees in

tative and

}
nave

. P

t} rouct investigation eo

ChHOTr¢ ugn Investig’ oO! we
a 6

had on this subject, in the form of

Se Se ee OEE AOS
a memorandum waicn tas UDCOTRT =~

might use. I don’t know whether Mr.
Fellows likes this “type,” either, bu
y}

sure that he and his fellow-

° 1
co itteemen | ive iong go ore 1
é ‘
}
a med to 1
SUBJECT: B Imi 1

eprescntat ve

Chairman
ization Subcommittee,
House of Rep
1. Attention is directed to the recent

publicat

, Immigration a
tadic ciary Sai

ifatives.

reset

mittee
Titree,

ion of “Refugees in America,”

a book of 453 pages (including an in-
dex and some pages of photographs,

with appendices), study of

together
which, it is believed, may prove relevant
to the work of the addressed subcom-
Brothers,

|
scioses to

Publisher is Harper and
ich careful investigation di
be an old-established firm in New York
City, with no known Communist, leftist,
or prematurely anti-fascist connections
(though it appears to have foreign ties
in the form of an office in London,
England).

Book is the final report of the Com-
e for the Study of Recent Immigra
private body sponsored by v

Organizations: Amer

mitte
1r10us

ican

tion,a
social-service
Christian
American Friends’ Service Committee,
—— for Refugees,

e es Committee for European
Children, Refugee Service.

Note should be taken of the fact that

Committee for

efugees,
Catholic
I National
ations cit

the organiz ed represent various

religious denominations. It is fearec
also, that they do not fall into the cate-

gory of leftist or Communist organiza-

ions, though ought to have
displayed evidences of excessive activity
on behalf of anti-Hitler, anti-Fr
and anti-Mussolini refugees >efore the
United St.
more, Cat

they are th
anco,

vv >
1'ar, Further-

ites entered the

holics are known to have s7-

ternational connections, whereas the
Friends (also known as Quakers) are

pacifists, and it is considered possible
that the names of the organizations may

hide Jewish participation.

Author of > book is Maurice R

[ ~ d yr of the research staff of

the aforeme: 1 Committee for the

S yf R t | igration, and chair-

ma he D rtment of Sociology of

Y i t \ an ‘ tio | cate
i N A ri Con L

Lhe (¢ ) > to he Study of

R Imn ) ym Europe, the

l r | mm to tne b 0k leclares, was

idlished to conduct inquiry into num-

. )
bers of gees admitted since 1933,
: me
t rco es Of origin, religious atnlia-

eff ects

ions,

essions or occupat

MANY THOUSANDS

of the regular editions of these
books were sold at $1.75

NOW AVAILABLE—

For economical gifts to your
friends who have not yet read
these two great books—

The New Low-Priced

Pocket Editions
H. G. Wells, CRUX ANSATA:
f ‘ An Indict-
f ment of the
Roman Cath-
olic Church.

f *

: Pocket Edition... 50¢@
| Five copies for $2.00

, Pee Hundred, $30.09
L. H. Lehmann, BEHIND THE
DICTATORS:
A Fully Docu-
mented Anal-
ysis of Vati-
can-Fascist
Collaboration.

Pocket Edifion . . . S0¢
Five copies for $2.00
Per WHurdred, $35.00

These New POCKET EDITIONS are
complete in every respect and contain, word
for word, the same text as in the higher
priced cloth-bound editions. The purpose
behind these NEW POCKET EDITIONS,
at these extraordinarily low prices, is to
encourage OUR friends to distribute them

to THEIR FRIENDS.

These books should be in the hands of
every American. We at Agora have done
our part toward making this possible. The
next steps is YOURS.

AGORA PUBLISHING CO.
Dept. 651NA
120 Liberty St., New York 6G, N. Y.
P. &8—The Regular Cleth-Beuad Editions ef both these
books are still availabte for your library. at $/ 75 each. or

$3.00 f the twe beets. Combination prices de net apply
t. the KET EDITIONS

on ‘ j (
’ I! a ( ic 2)
Am ) ey co
i
ef
thi
ii u i i Uri i > > }‘
while rf ‘ ceptions
\ ‘ read Information was obtained
he ot he f bs oases }
mroucn tne ws Or questonnaires a
iDuted Dy local community organiza-
4 | nt ‘ id
rons, rom pers ai «mterviews, ane
from refugee organizations. Method of
'
eseniation was d scovered by und

]

signed tatistical, with

and

ons from statements by

to be factual
refugees
i by the
. -

ac-

enotat

documenting conclusions rea

author. No overt editorializing or

pendence on mass emotional appeal was
fo ind.

+. Book professes to show that many
incorrect ideas are entertained by gen-

| of

eral American public on the subject
refugees. It is suggested that the most

mportant of these may be that pertain-

book states that refugees
en away jobs from native-

g to jobs:
mok tak
born Ameri

have
ans but that in many cases

they have even established new indus-
tries — ling employment for native-
horn whites. Book also argues that de-
spite bie shortage of physicians it
was very difficult for qualified European

physicians to practice as a result of what

tate laws

assOcia-

d ‘‘d lory
ecical

1 the attitude of

i. Book quotes a number of refugees

o the effect that they found dishearten-
scrimination here

is stated that

Z amount of d
s, and it

refugees

unst minoritic

non-fewish were sur-
that as refugees they were

E and

assumed to pe
on occasion,

inv
rised to find

opularly

[ Jewish,

re fused admi sion,

» hotels, etc. (Same of the evidence in

1S cOnMmection from writers,

omes
1 the like, and can therefore,

be ignored.) Most ref-

iinters, an

is thought,

ugees have nevertheless, according to
book, managed to establish themselves

ocially and intend to stay in our coun-
ry. It is significant that a large number
have already become citizens.

5. It is earnestly recommended that
he chairman authorize the purchase of
a quantity of copies of book sufficient
to permit distribution to all members of
the subcommittee. The early chapters,
summarizing conditions in Europe which
led to the are
alone believed worth the price ($4.50)
s a handy reference to largely forgotten
pre-war condit is true that this
aspect of the immigration question has

in the delibera-

flight of the refugees,

ions; it

thus far been avoided

The NATION

tions of the subcommittee, but it js
known that certain organizations—mos
leftist,
hope to
it into hearings on modification

of them undoubtedly subversive,
Communist, or humanitarian-
inject
of restrictions on the entry of so-call
displaced persons into the United States
as re ted by the Executive.

6. It is further recommended that the
staff of
to begin work without delay on refuta-
et forth in book, ¢

ques

the subcommittee be instructed

tion of statements

° 4 . °
to take steps to restrict circulation of
pears to give substance

subcommittee is

same, since it ap
to charges thet the
blameworthy in its refusal to revise
quota restrictions on immigration in
view of conditions in Europe, a con-
tinent which lies on the other side of
the Atlantic Ocean.
Ww. J. GOLD

Film Note

EAN VIGO'S “Zero de Conduite”
J and "L’Atalante” are being shown
for the first time in this country, at the
Fifth Avenue Playhouse Reviewing
space is unavailable until next week,
Meanwhile I urgently recommend both
films, to readers who can get to them.
Vigo was, in my opinion, one of the
most gifted men who has ever made
movies. JAMES AGEE

MOTION PICTURES

STAGE PLAYS
MANHATTAN BRONX
S unn MAX GORDON esents ALHAMBRA CASTLE HILL
- en . d - COLISEDM NOW W CHESTER
play, brilliantly Bist ST FOROWAM
i _ “Eneaagin A Ni. on."—N. Y. FRANKL
written, acted = Ronald EA AG - Ai SRAET MARBLE HILL
” q PELHAM
and caged. iitarlous Comedy Hi ty GARSON KANIN Ret Lex. & rd mater SCOTT ROVAL
Garland. tvesues THEA., 45th Street, East of B’way. CH 4-256 pemngeetaas ‘STALLION ROAD’ a
Journal-Amer. Evenings 8°40 Matinees Wednesday & Saturday 2:49 {25th ST. WT VERNON
REGENT From STEPHEN LONGSTREET Novel
—and— NEW ROCH.
RIVERSIDE “Merry little farce.”"—N. Y. Werld-Telegram | wH PLAINS
23rd ST. *“LOVE & LEARN’”’ Jock CARSON | YONKERS
[ RONGERS & HAMMERSTEIN Presents} | * * * * * * ——__________-_ -
- — . PROOKLYN “ARRESTING SCREEN FARE. —N Y¥ Pos! 1 QUEENS
| Finn ee MIDWAY
In associotion with JOSHUA LOGAN Give euenwien Leraine DAY © Febert HAP T CHUM LT | corest Hits
“HILARITY IN PLENTY.''—Bernes, Her. Trid | ° Caita's
GREENPOINT yg PFLusaine
JOHN LOVES MARY to help KENMORE ‘The LOCKETT?’ Jie."
4 New Comedy by NORMAN KRASNA . mwhetan STR v -
Direeted by MR LOGAN ORPREUM Far Rockaws
MUSIC BOX, 45th Street, West of B'wav fight nea ‘Trail Street’ RANDOLPH SCOTT Ty cya TTAN
Air-Conditioned — Matinees Wed. and Sat. 2:40 CANCER! cae ANNE JEFFREYS | aa
| Coney Istang Based on WILLIAM CORCORAN Nove? B'way & 52
‘A DELIGHTFUL COMEDY. “—<Atiinson, Times zax ke&krk *

HELEN HAYES ”
HAPPY BIRTHDAY

4 New Comedy by ANTTA LOOS

Directed 'p JOUBHUA LOGAN
BROADHURST, 44th St.. West of B'way
Sir -Conéit!oned Matiness Wed. & Sat. 240

“A SMASH RIT "—Li/e Megas
ETHEL MERMAN
in the Musical @mash

ANNIE GET YOUR GUN

Aivetc end lyrica by IRVING BERLIN
Rook BERBERT & DOROTHY FIELDS

ine

7th RAY MIDDLETON Directed by Joshua Logar
'MPERIAL Theo.,
Air-(

West ef B' way
2:30 Shara

45th St.,

editiene@® Mats. Wed & Sat

= TWlemo to SNation Readers ==
re: Advertising

When ordering your theater tickets by mail, making
reservations for your vacation, buying a book, etc.,
please tell them you saw it advertised in The Nation.

dem«
dress
one

pose
as W
undi:
must
tead
thele
critic
scian
pianc
off, i
hou
vey a
Music

NATION
but it 1$

sive, leftist
n hope tc
modification
of 2U-CaALieéd
nited States
se

ded that th
e instru

y on refuta-
in book, or
culation of
e substance
mmittee is
| to revise
igration in
ype, a
her side of

con-

J. GOLD

Conduite”

sing shown
mtry, at the
Reviewing
next week,
mend both
t to them.
yne of the
ever made
ES AGEE

RONX
ASTLE HILL
HESTER
OROHAM
RANKLIN
JARBLE HILL
ELHAM
OYAL

POC TMMESTER

1¢ 28, 1947

; Music

READER has written me a report

B. H.
HAGGIN

some of the

y
A
be
>
oO

vard Symposium ot
which no texts or summarie
1ed One 1s Pri
ms my surmise that he had had no

1 of what Forster was talking about
Lang began the statement that
isic CriticisM 1s an art, not
1 a critic must convey an illusion of

with

a science,

life in the music and the love he

; ae :
irs for it—an obvious bow to Forster.

en, in logical sequence, our critics

therefore bad because they were
ae} -

musicians, they couldn't read score

y the piano, they
music of

“y couldn’t even pla
in't know the liter
wut

ature of
music: for instance a music critic
New York spent most of his
railing at music scholars had only

weeks earlier discovered the fa-
mous de la important
french music scholar whom everybody
and he hadn't discovered him
but through a correspond-

who

1 few
Laurencie, an

knows;
himself,

1.” And my reader comments: : Dou! vt
ss his inaccuracy about the whole
sical scene is as scandalous as his

sreading of your article.”
The report is interesting
ber of ways. For one thing, it reveals
Lang’s inaccuracy enables him to

he impact of a demonstration
answering a piece of writing by
Newman he suppressed the es-
sential part and misrepresented the rest

in a num-

escape t
at in
Ernest

—or that his articl

1T. VERNON
EW ROCH.
(H PLAINS
ONKERS
UEENS
1OWAY

Forest Hills
Kaito's
L''SHING
Kerth's

lori. WILL
FRANU

Far Rockawty
LANMATTAN
DLONIAL
Bway & 52
ee ae

theless hurls fort
critics are bad because
scians,
piano. He is, also,
off,
ehout the critic's function being to con-
vey an illusion of the life in a piece of
Music. He is,

e on nineteenth-cen-

tury chamber music in a New Friends
woklet was a schematization of imag-
ved data. That may sound as though I
nsider all this in conscious;
mut the report on his Harvard address
nvinces me that it isn’t. The man who
frst elicits and then misreads those
demonstrations is the man who—ad-
an audience which includes

acCuracy

dressing

one distinguished critic who is a com-

poser and presumably able t

f to read score

as well as write it, and a number of
undistinguished critics with professional
musical education and the ability to

tead score and p! ay the piano—never-
th his charges that the
they are not
can’t play the
the man who takes
from a statement

nu-
can’t read score,

these charges,

in short, a man with a

muddled mind, A man with a muddled,
inaccurate mind whose job at a great
university is to teach student
historical research rigor and accuracy.

S in musico-
Two choral works commissioned for
performance at the seen Syn
posium were repeated in New York ‘i
Robert Shaw's Collegiate Chorale at its
Carnegie Hall concert. They were Hin-
demith’s “Apparebit Re ‘penti ina Dies,”
setting of a Latin hymn of the fourth to
Copland’s “In
the Beginning,” a setting of the verse
Genesis which tell the story of th
creation. In the Hindemith work
found the recitative of the Judge anc
the judged expressively effective an
moving; but the rest, for me, had no
power or interest to make its
contrived ugliness worth lis-
tening to. As for the Copland work, I
ind the word “lovely’’ written in my
program next to “And on the seventh

nrst

seventh centuries, and

fa Cs met

expressive

elaborately

day God ended His work” and “And
God blessed the seventh day,” but
nonsense for mezzo-soprano” written

next to
the heavens”; and about the res
the complete

ody’s progre:

“These are the pee of
t I recall
s of the mel-
way it went

arbitrarines

a
sions—ine

The NATION

and

[ ]1 Year $6

Canadien a

MONEY-SAVING MAGAZINE COMBINATION & semmmeery

em .
[_] «to Harper’s ea . Se
[] wit Consume

s Union ... $9.75
with Ha: ‘Der’s ea,
Consumers Union . $12.25

All club combinations listed are for one vear, and may be mailed to
different individuals and addresses.

THE NATION by itself:

[ ] 2 Years $10
(1) SERVICEMEN’S RATE $4 A YEAR

and Foreign Postage $1 a vear extra.

now up now down with no discoverable

reason either in any coherence of its

Own or in any relation to the words.
Giving both these works before Mo-

zart’s great Mass in C minor brought

the length of the concert to almost two

which meant that I
hear some of the
about. Beautiful perform:
rram-making

music

00F Pros

erpts from Ad-
am's music for the ballet “Giselle”

performed adequately by Constant Lam-

bert with the Covent Garden Opera Or-
chestra (Set X-277; $3). The recorded
sound is heavy, and ts meaty and
gritty near the ends of the sides. Also,
excerpts from Menotti’s music for the
ballet “Sebastian” are well performed

th the Robin Hood
Dell Orchestra of Philadelphia (Set
X-278; $3). The recorded sound is
good, with the violins «

lustrous

by Mitropoulos wi

lear, though not
And on a single disc (71963-
D; $1) are two inconsequential piano
pieces, B -ethoven’s Polonaise Opus 89
and Mendelssohn's Scherzo a Capriccio
in F sharp minor, a played by
Kilenyi, with the recorded sound dull
and wooden

S8.50 You Save

2.50

You Save $1.25

You Save $3.75

3 Years $14

eg THE NATION

8 20 Vesey Street, New York 7, N. Y.

+ I want to subscribe to The Nation, or the following Nation magazine

§ combinations as listed below:

; (1 Remittance enclosed. (1) Bill me.

- NAME

: STREET

a CITy OA SS ser ———
6-28-47

i=rg?tt?t}ftftftftfttfettgfsetfetfethetth+htetiIttLtiIitTtttTtttththhthtThehethlele

The NATION

Letters to the Editors

Dear Sirs: Me. M ; article, Under
the Sign ¢ I Red Horse (1
Phe 7 ,M >) § a Cra rack
fam par larly im d by the skill
I ich hh 5 e {0 uggees the
Pp litical atm phere of pre sent-day
bexas out using any offensively
dire hara

The only ina y I noticed occurs
in hird p raph on page 510
\ et ys, Lhe regents set up an
inquisith The Res $ ob-
tained 1 inves on by stat
senare.. ” to ‘ te n.

As it happened, that committee had
been set up for other purposes by the
previous legislature, then adjourned. It
was definitely sympathetic to Rainey.
The lieutenant governor, John Lee
Smith, a fascist out-and-out, did all he
could to prevent the committee from

acting, even to threatening its members
committee apporntments.
ttee appealed to the at-

ation of juris-
got a favorable decision, and
proceeded. The Bullington testimony
was not sought by the committee but
forced on it by Bullington. Indeed,
when Bullington had finished the long
harangue on the subject of Rainey’s
alleged dereliction in the homosexual

with loss of
But the commi
torney general for clarific

aiction,

matter, Senator Wardlow Lane, who
was doing the questioning, inquired

Do you have more dirt
you would care to spread on the record,
Mr. Bullington ?"’ The whole committee
record was so favor _— to the Rainey
—has never been

. > ? ,
sweetly, any

cause that it was buried

published or, so far as I know, tran-
ribed from the stenotype script. This,

of course, was the work not of the

committee but of the lieutenant governor

+ ric a >
legislature.

and the next
Cc. E. AYERS

Lone Star Liberals

Dear Sirs: There are a few cheering ex-
ceptions to A. G. Mezerik’s generally
haracterization of Texas news-
papers (in Tbe Nation, May 3). A
small but growing number of Texas
people are being reached by honest,
liberal weeklies. Several returned vet-
erans have bought or started smail-town
weeklies which will immunize their
readers against N. A. M. handouts. The
unpretentious Siate Observer, founded

accurate ¢

n r9006, ery x 1S Out a vigor-
ous and accurate ; mint of what Locs
1 in the state capital
The Texas Sj ris dk vastatingly
id impudently critical of the boys that
own Texas. A city editor and an expert
porter on a large Houston daily re-

ned good jobs to found it in Octo-
ber, 1945. While using up the stake of
original backer, they gained two
housand subscribers loyal and enthusi-
h to raise more than $8,000
to see the paper through its second year.
The fund came largely in smal} amounts
from liber uld hardly pay the

Is who co
rintion meice
rptuon price.

- enoug

aca

€5 sub

Che Senate investigation of Rainey's
dismissal was not obtained by the Regu-
lars. Through their spokesman, Lieuten-
ant Governor Smith, they did their
utmost to prevent it. It followed Bul-
lington’s sensational pee release about
the ‘heel and gave Dr. Rainey
his only opportunity to offer testimony
from responsible officials praising his
handling of the matter. In general, the
testimony was so damaging to the “
gents’ position that they prevented t
publication of the record. At the bone
election they saw to it that Penrose
Metcalfe, chairman of the committee,
was Ousted from the state senate.

It is not surprising that Mr. Mezer‘k’s
information about the investigation was
inaccurate: the record is not available.
Under the Sign of the Flying Red
is a brilliant account of what
JACK CARTER

Horse
roes on in Texas.
Austin, June 15

Beloved Gentleman

[We have refrained from making any
editorial changes in this letter lest we
be accused of distorting the writer's
meaning.—EDITORS THE NATION. }

Dear Sirs: In the edition of your weekly
magazine, Vol. 164, Num. 19 of
May 10, 1947, appeared an article en-
titled Election Day in Santo Domingo
by Albert C. Hicks, who is the same
bitter writer of the loathsome book
“Blood in the Streets,” which the Amer-
ican public rejected because of its un-
truthfulness.

Mr. Hicks has proved by his attitude
to be an evil-disposed writer attacking
offensively and systematically the Hon-
orable President of the Dominican Re-
public, Generalissimo Rafael Leonidas
Trujillo Molina, whether by books or

Mavazines

whi

in newspa — and
with insults and indignities,
prove his ostensible irritation
him and when a man reach this
is because undoubtedly he does uot have
nobler arms to use and necessarily has
to receive the contempt of the rest of
the public because he is judged as not
having any of the qualities of a gen.
tleman.

It is very easy to put in evidence this
Mr. Hicks who boast so much infamy,
paying a visit to my country, only a few
hours from Florida by air. I extend a
cordial invitation to any newspaperman
who might be imterested in knowing
the exact truth, to visit the Dominican
Republic, where a solid and _ lasting
peace is enjoyed and where a progress,
never dreamt of in its history, has been
achieved. Generalissimo Trujillo was
elected on May 16, 1947, President of
the Dominican Republic, term 1947-
1952, by an overwhelming majority
never registered im any other election
and is very beloved by his people that
gratefully return in this way everything
he has done for them.

The truth of all this can be easily
verified, as I said before, paying a visit
to my country, the Dominican Republic.
R. COMPRES PEREZ,

Consul Genera!

wit all
ATLALICS
ch only
against

gro r d

New York, June 11

The Whitewash Won’t Stick

Dear Sirs: Et Consulado General
understandably disturbed by my article
which appeared i in The Nation's May 1)
issue. His is a difficult task, slappin
whitewash on such a black background.

Sefior Compres Perez says that Tr
jillo, in the alleged elections of May 1:
won “by an overwhelming major't
never registered in any other election
He knows better. Trujillo in previo
elections won by a xnanimous vote. Lost
May, with a shabby display of pseudo-
democracy, Trujillo had 40,000 or sd
votes registered against-him out of 3
announced total of more than 800,000
votes, or approximately half of the en
tire population.

I predicted in my article that after th
elections, should the Dominicans b
“encouraged to exhibit their dis
for the regime, the marae woul
be prepared for any emergen " Toda
there has appeared in several Ne ew Yor
newspapers, under a P, R. dateline,

,
N ev

iS ur,

gene
Chic:
mate:
prom

Chica

Wa
Dear
raphy

NATION |

Magazines
which ¢
ion against
this ground
ves not have
essarily has
the rest of
iged as not

; of a gen-

vidence this
ich infamy,
only a few
I extend a
yspaperman
n knowing
Dominican
and lasting
a progress,
ry, has been
tujillo was
resident of
term 19-17-
majority
her election
people that
; everything

o
2.

n be easily
ing a visit
in Republic
ES PEREZ,

sul Genera!

wn’t Stick

General

y my art
on’s May |
k, slapp
back grou

1s that °
of May !
1g major'ty
er election
in previ
us vote. I
of pseud
0.000 or §s
n out of
ian 800,0°

f of the en;

hat after tl
minicans
reir distast
actor woul
ney.” Toda
1 New Yor
dateline,

June 28, 1947

ws dispatch saying that numerous
Dominican oppositionists have been
thrown into prison. That cable, I pre-

ne, was sent by U. P.'s correspondent
Milton Carr, whom I know to be a
highly reputal newspaperman. Mr.
Carr, Sefor Compres Perez, was in your

guntry very recently, albeit not as an

ficial guest of your government. Your
government, in fact, has attacked every
independent newspaperman who has
visited Santo Domingo.

Here is something that was not in
the newspapers. Your government has
placed in prison or in chains this past
' from 100 to 150 Dominicans,
smashed the press of the clandestine
weekly published by the Juventud
Democratica, and imprisoned its staff
yr its critical appraisals of Trujil

” eck

Ilo.
As for your attack upon me, I am

both amused and curious. Where did

you get the sales figures that would in-

licate that “Blood in the Streets’ was
jected by the American public?
ALBERT C. HICKS

New York, June 19

Recollections of Judge Tree

Dear Sirs: I am engaged in research
into the life of the late Judge Lambert
ree of Chicago, who was prominent in
blic affairs in the 1880's and 1890's,
d who served as ane States Min-
er to Belgium and to Russia.

Anyone who has recollections of
Judge Tree, and particularly anyone
with letters from or pertaining to him,
is urged to get in touch with the under-

ened at 8800 South Wabash Avenue,
Chicago 19, Illinois. Letters and otber

aterial wili be carefully handled and
promptly returned.

HARRY BARNARD

Chicago, June 21

Wants Data on Debs

Dear Sirs: 1 am now revising my biog-
raphy of Eugene V. Debs, which re-
eived a major award in the 1947
H Hopwood Contest in Creative Writing.
nd would greatly appreciate any in-
mation about persons or libraries
who might possess pertinent material
—letters, diaries, printed material, or
reminiscences. I will be touring the East
in the autumn, and would like to inter-
view any persons who knew Debs. My
iddress is 604 Madison Court, Ann
Arbor, Michigan.
RAYMOND 5S.
Ann Arbor, Mich., June 15

GINGER

781

Crossword Puzzle No. 217

By JACK BARRETT

25 26

ve Rer ky

es et pe
wre >

16
17
19
21
23

om -

ACROSS

My hat! I am in a horse bus!
lather—and short, as usual!

Mined material

Led to us in disarray

Covered wagon

A Wren’s reply

A bird having imbibed ginger-beer
becomes a parrot

It is not unusual to turn brown on a
mountain

Pictures seen in the pic
Carl leaves town
Woman at the wheel
Is at the wine

3oth clothes and their wearers need
one occasionally

Carting? No, the operat
that

Artistic table
Throws over
Former (5-4)
A French battleground and
lish cathedral city are not
connected

Not well-fed

tures

ion before

attitudes presumably

=
an Eng-

? an
cioseiy

Dr. Johnson never took one; it toox
him
The water’s edge is partly composed

of it

DOWN

Whereby the Germans _ju st fai

to reach the “wise men” in 1918
What made the sub rise?

They produce solutions, but no. to

crossword puzzles
Doubly imperative to act, but noth-
ing can save him now

5 “After death, the ------ ”
6 Put off the track
7 Natives noted for their blankets and
silversmith work
8 You haven’t had it until vou've
spent it
12 Scrapers
13 Baskets to catch our quibbles?
14 Spectacle presented by a boy with
an insect
16 She will give you aid
18 Easier to say if we like this English
fellow when he comes out of his
sh ell
20 Fancy dress or nothing is put before
us
22 “Was this the face that launched a
thousand ships, And bur ned the
-~------ towers of Ilium?
” I -
>4 Detains (anag.)
25 Fi yllowed suit
°6 Sea between Greece and Asia Minor
27 Scottish fillet, not of fish but of fish-
ing
29 Fashion that is mostly an eyesore
30 Cut off to i toge rf
—_—— = _-

SOLUTION TO PUZZLE Ne. 216
ACROSS :—1 GRAND SLAM; @ LOCAL: ®
ALLOWED; 1 APWIN ll PAN; 12
AMBUSH, 13 LAS 15 SHEPHERD; 16
CINEMA; 18 CARMEN; 20 PIPR-LINE; 23
COOK; 24 RICHES: 2% APT: 2B OUTCROP;
29 CLARION; HOI SEB; 31 DE IPRESS!} Lv.
DOWN :-—1 GRASP: 2 ALLONGE: 8 DOWN-
AT-HEEL; 4 LADYBIRD: 5 MULISH; 6
LOPS; 7 CUIMATR; & LEGISLATE 1
FIRE-ESCAPE: — SACKCLOTH; 17
NIGHTCAP; 19 STK R; 21 ITALICS;
22 LIMPID; 23 TUN 27 FREA.

782

CHILDREN’S CAMPS

TWALTELL HOUSE o™ssar™ 7

MT. BETHEL, PA.
VACATION FOR ALL THE FAMILY
ee rn farm hotel _comt d oS ow
iildren's amp. 7 es from N. Y. A
reome with private “hath, Meat pantie, dairy
wodacta and veyetahbios from the farm.
Rates: — Adulte $65 Week — Children $50 Week |
ee «CON. OV: Ella Frankel, 241 East 18 St. LE 2-5664 al

FUR REMODELING
Superb Workmanship and Styling
Economically
M. SCOTT—FURS

236 Wes? 30th Street New York 1, N. Y.
LOngacre 5-4917

BOOKS TOO EXPENSIVE?

}
CReoe your own and save 75°°. Order any
hook you want. Poy for if after you get i.
Receive 25% credit en its price. Do this four | |
times, Then use your credit for further books. |
Let us send you our detoiled brochure or } }
simply place your first order vow.

BONUS BOOK CLUB, Dept.
598 Madison Avenue, New York 22,

N-2
mY. ft |

OUT-OF-

MILLIONS ‘OF

PRINT BOOKS
USED, RARE and out-

of-print books stocked in 15 cities. Men-
tion interests if catalogues are wanted.

TAAB, 529 S. Melville St., Phila. 43.
SITUATION Ww ANTED (FEMALE) |
COLLEGE JUNIOR, English major, ex-

penienced writing, publishing, desires sum-
mer position in editorial dept. of magazine
or publishing house. Box 1722, c/o The
Nation.

LANGUAGES

LING UAPHONE MAKES LANGUAGES
EASY. At home learn to speak Spanish,
French, German, Russian or any of 29
languages by quick, easy Linguaphone
Conversational Method. You learn by listen-
Available

ing. Save time, work, money.

under GI Bill off Rights. Send for FREE
book. a eo 81 RCA
Bidg., New York 2 N e \ &

CIGARETTES

CIGAR ETTES—Popular brands; # minimum
3 cartons. Price $1.45 per carton; postpaid.
Send check or money order, ACE MAIL
ORDER CO.. East Orange 1. N. J.

HANDWRITING ANALYSIS —

SCIENTIFIC HANDWRITING aanalysis.
Alfred Kanfer, 62 Leroy St., N. Y. C. Tel.
WA 45-0956. Cooperating with doctors, psy-
chologists, schools, firms, industries. Lessons.
By appointment, evenings. Marital, educa-
tional, vocation, psychological problems.
Fee $3.00.

ee
es

CURRIES
HOW TO MAKE GOOD CURRIES:

Your request with a 3¢ stamp will bring
you our Recipe Booklet of precise Indian
recipes for making curries of chicken, lamb,
shrimp and vegetables. Learn the simple
principles of using this condiment; it
changes ordinary foods into new and de-
lightful dishes.
JAVA-INDIA CONDIMENT CO.

IMPORTERS

RESOR r

Spring Velicy, N. Y.

4 . Alice Chese + 2
-

Enjoy a health -huilding at this Vegeterien
= Resort comple ‘ ‘ amd] ener » &
- - . .

. " ! s ter les 4 rvir é cheer- o
| ‘ ‘ jiuugee =

2 a
= stimulating aetivittes All his an@ more at =
= moderate rates s
= RESERVE NOW ¢ Phone Nanwet 2516 or 967 &
- 4
2.8.8. 608 O78 ho 8 O88 8 0k Be er eeanenene 88 8

KAATERSKILL

North Caiskilis ¢ Green County «
A Unique Venture in Hasgitality

ral and homelike

I, yet distinctive

}- slate, 2200 ft hig!

be recreational faeitittes,

superior quatity. Reasan-

2
é
«“
s
=
*

More than @ resort
n is different. Smal!
with high standar's. 200
Swimming, varied aft
Infernational me
able rates
Open Decoration Day thru September
Reduced Pates in jJune-September

Home of MR. & MRS. KARL DO. HESLEY
Telephone: Jowett 528
iome Now

The
Jewett, New York «

Wrise r Brochure °

LOVERS of NATURE

\ ROSE BROOK FARM

Make Reaercal

Seo COCO

eee eeoeeeveoeseseee

SPRUCETON, NEW YORK >
2% scenic acres high wp im the CatsRilts, geed
table, sports. Number ef guests limited te (0.
About $40. Phone GRyant 9-4687 fer information

and reservations. e

CA YO™* IC VOC NIE DVO SS

|Pine Crest ...::..||

selecondy

Berkshire:
WEST CORNWALL, CONN.
on the beautiful Housatonic River

A delightful Adult Resort

Main House and Veluxe Bungalows fer 2. Boating,
Svimmimg, fine Tennis, Bicyeiing, Muste Recordings

and danetng.
DIANA & ABE BERMAN
Phone—West Cornwall 89—12

Lakecrest

Stanfordville, N. ¥
Ideal location in the heart of
DUTCHESS COUNTY. Excellent secommedations.
Cordial hospitality. Recerdines. Library. All seasonal
sports. Via N. Y.C. R. R. toAmenia, N. ¥Y, Openall
WRITE OR PHONE YUUS RESERVATIONS
EVA KEAG, Direcior Stanfordville 2328

|
=—
Reserve Now for July 4th Holiday! |

On Hunn‘'s Lake

90 miles from N. Y

From

WESTERN VIEW FARM

necticut Hills, you ean retura tanned
glo wing ar a invigorated, and with happy memories «
ywpitality of an which is in ty-

the
in th

the warm h

eighth season under the same Se
Rates per person, $12.00 a day, $70.00 a week

Week-onds, Friday evening to Sunday evening, $24

TED OHMER

New Milford, Connecticut Tei.: New Milford 440

FARMS AND ACREAGE

80 acres; good 7-room house newly deco-
rated; springs; woods; small brook; view;
elevation; RFD road; profusion of wild
flowers; no improvements. $4,000. Terms.
Berkshire Farm Agency, East Chatham,
New York.

GOOD NEIGHBORS WANTED, choice
acres are offered much below developers
prices. Write Chester Rick, Peekskill, N. Y.
Tel. 2515 M.

TACONIC PARKWAY: Putnam County.
7-room farm cottage; highly situated, beau-
tiful view; accessible all year; electricity,
well; one acre; 58 miles Columbus Circle.
Immediate possession. $4900.00. Box 1723,
c/o The Nation.

The HEALTH REST x
|

The NATION

RESO R T AY
P. O. Box 71 Miles
Westbrookville From
New York New York Cit
Adult Resort Hotel « All sports
150 Foot Swimming Peet ° Superb Cuisine

Excellent A dati iactuding Private Baths
Rates $57 to $65 weekly. Beoklet on request
SUGGEST BARLY RESERVATION
Phone Port Jervie 35-190
New York Office: BRyant 9-2468
DOROTHY & NAT LUKIN, Prop.

OAKWOOD

NEW WINDSOR, N. Y. Newburgh 4477
Delightful... swimming and beating on
+--our private lake

Different ...charming colonia) atmosphere
Delicious ...our unexcelled cuisine
Diverting ... recordings for listening

-.--and dancing
53 miles trom NYC—Adults Only seme
SAUGERTIES, NEW YORK

Tel. 590 J.

Real country, no other resort
within miles. Pine woods. In-
teresting hiking. Attractive ac-
commoedations. Best of
Tennis, swimming, bicycling,
and other sports. Recordings.
Dancing. Fair rates.

~MERRIEWOODE-

A CAMP FOR ADULTS STODDARD, N. H.
FOR YQUR ENJOYMENT
mg Highland Lake, 10 miles long. with aoet
fishing and free use ef boats and canoes: interesti;
hiking objectives thru woor'land tiails; fine tennis ani
yandball courts, badminton, -huffleboard. archery
riflery. croquet, ping pong. square dancing
JULY & AUGUST Rates: $55, $60, $65

food.

OLIVE MH. G. BARON, Director

BYRAM LODGE

ARMONK, N.Y. Tel. Armonk Vill. 904
Only 35 miles from N. ¥. C. in Westchester

Completely remodeled, all conveniences, new furnist
ings. Beautyrest mattresses, all sports, bowling.

Rates $60 weekly; $10 dally. American Pian
American-Jewish Cuisine
11 West 42nd Street

N. Y. Offtce: PE 8.2243

@ Enjoy a Wonderful Vacation at

COLD BROOK HOUSE |

"On the banks of Esopus Creck'’
A small resort with friendly atmosphere in beau-
tiful surroundings. Tenals and other sports. Adu!ts.
Rate $35 per week—Meoke Reservctions Now!
COLD BROOK HOUSE, Boieeville. N. Y. Shokan 2648
@ Tel. Sundays only bet. 9-12 am, GAaciels 6-5065 ©

HUNNS LAKE HOUSE

STANFORDVILLE NEW YORK
90 miles from N. Y. via. N. Y. Centrai
Charming lake and countryside, rustic surroundines
Bathing, beating, fishing, other sports. Beaut!f
Excellent Ameriean cutsine. Ideal for vacatior

HATHAWAY LODGE

OPEN ALL YEAR
the palatial Macy estate tn the
beautiful “Hills of the Sky."* “Luxurious rooms, many
with open fireplaces, Tennis courts, handball, badmin-
ton. Swimming pool. sun pavilion. Horsehack riding
Golf course nearby. Delicious food. Baay transportation.
American-Jewish cocking. Attractive Rates.

wrtie or cad

Nn. UY

> Tennersviile 299

NATION}

sports

werb Cuisine
Private Baths
on request
‘TION

)

2468
Prop.
LT UE
vburgh 4477
ating on

atmosphere
sine
ening

OOlY commen!
V YORK
J.

other resort
e woods, In-
Attractive ac-
est of food.
g, bicycling,
Recordings.
ites.

IDE-

DARD, N. H.
iT

mg. with good
es; interesting
fine tennis and
oatd. archery
icing

$60, $65

retor

A
: Vill. 906
estchester

, new furntist

bowling.
jean Plan

RESORTS

YOURS! A little more —
than EVERYTHING!

ALL SPORTS (professionally
equipped)...
door recreations. geod eating,
merry company. entertainment?
Staff, musiczios, open-hearth
fires, oheery quarters (regular
or de luxe).

riding, too...in-

WOODSOURNEKY Tel. WAOSSOURME 1159
ne’ NG
A DELIGHTFUL HIDEAWAY IN THE MOUNTAINS

LAKE LODGE

INDIAN LAKE,

N. Y.

SPO

in the heart of the Adirondecks
Moderate Rates
Informal Entertainment

NIGHTLY -
DANCING
Fer complete information call

‘~ Y. Office—STuyvesant 9-1986 |

RTS @

lead

SOUTH WIND

P. 0. Box N38

Woodbourne, N. Y.

A country estate on top of a mountain
with its private lake, offers all facilities
for <port and relaxation
Largest Collection of Recorded Music
Phone: Woodbourne 1025

"Pine Rest

Telephone: Pine Hill 3876
Exceptionally located on hil! amidst pines.
Delicious home cooking. European style
Large rooms with hot and cold water.

a
S®QanN
MILES FROM

“NEW .

Yours for Vacation Enjoyment

HILLTOP

LODGE

On beautiful Syiven Lake
HOPEWELL JUNCTION, N. Y.
5 miles from N. Y.C. * B.R. Station Pawling, N. Y.

Every conceivable Sport and Recreation
+ « +» with intimate, congenial people

Many Improved features for the new season!
Open from May thru October
New York Office:

‘05 NASSAU 8T.
COrtiandt 7-3958

Under direction of:
PAUL WOLFSON &
SOL ROTHAUSER

This Adult Camp...

Sheltered cove near pictur-
esque Gloucester. Salt water

Adler & Cast of Stars;

R
Gottlieb, Artist;
r

1; Canoes: Bi yeles ;

1 Spe = yy —

a
POTTERSVILLE « NEW YORK

Al Sheer & Orchestra: Harry
Folk Dancing; Cory Bar; Private Sandy
Horses; 5 Suporb Tennis Courts;

von, "9 s be 6.

4-5570 9
INFORMAL apuir CAMP "ON SCHROON LAKE
AH OKUN, Director

¥. Shokan 2648
isfield 6-5065 @

JOUSE

NEW YORK
entra}

surroundines
ts. Beaut!ful
I) for vacations

45.00

rdvitie 293!

seback riding
transportation.
lve Rates.

or cab

alls, N. Y
299

AN ADULT CAMP IN THE BADIHONDACKE™

LIMITED TO 1

NOW OPEN

ALL SPORTS *

PHIVATE LAKF

DANCING * LECTURES * CONCERTS

N.Y. Office:

83 West 42nd Street, LOngacre

5-3674

Rare Charm of an Intimate Congenial Group

The Fieldstone

On Round Island Lake

A place of unexcelled beauty and
rest and relaxation.

ALL SPORTS IN SEASON
MONROE, N.

New York

One hour from

Phone 7965

swimming, sailing, boating

Gl rn Me and fishing on premises.

” Abram ‘Resnick * Dancing, tennis, tmps and
Irector all sports. e

Write for booklet & rates NOW OPEN

A Bee

OF DISTINCTION
Magnificent lake. All water sports
¥ aM and outdoor activities. Interesting
Ae Diodoor progeam. Fxcellent cuisine.
; New Low Rates

1% Hours to Country Charm and Seclusion

White Gates

WAPPINGERS FALLS, NEW YORK
Sports, Recordings, Library
Our Cuisine—Our Special Pride

- Rotes: $47.50—S$57.50
-day weekend $18.00

duly 4th Weekend (3 days) $30.00 to $35.00
Telephone Wappingers Falls 469

Deuel Hollow House

WINGDALE, N. Y. Phone 3691

In Berkshire foothills, 75 miles from N. Y,
City on wv. Y. Central R. R. Of beoten
path, defighttul hiking country. Delicious
food served on terrace overicoking our
private lake. Tennis, voiley-ball, badmin-
ton, boating, swimming and fishing. Com
plete informality. Adults.

RAIZEL COHEN DAVID SACKS

PLE GROVE MT. HOUSE

Kerhonkson 3641
Accord, New York

® Ideal Vacation Spot
® All Adult Sports

@ Excellent

Cuisine

. . « A Pletoresque Estate. . .
Diversified Book and Music Library
Swimming Pool . . . Golf
An Adult Resort 45 miles from N.Y.C.
TEL HIGHLAND MILLS SOT! cm

RESORTS

sth
ON LONG LAKE,

the Adirondacks Limited te

90. New Open. i4-mile lake. Pollen free,

All sports. toforma: social, cultural activities,

GEORGE KLEINSINGER, guest artist.

Rates $45 to $85. N. ¥. Offlco, 150 Nassau St
WO 2-2900. Louls A. Roth, Dir.

Resor: Estate in

<a 4 oe

Bee / NS

“FRESH UP”
at this

Nearby Resort
All aboard the fun
bound special... sonear-
i 50 mites away
—yet out-of-this-world
for fun, relaxation,
luscious food. All sports,

lakes,

OREST HOUSE 2 .

ie a4 ASL N_Y. TEL. MAHOPAC 686

‘— Miles from New York City

'Zindorest
* Park "vv

Telephone 4421

A Resort for Adults Only

Exclusive location. 150 acres of un-
usual beauty. All sports. Lake and
Pool on premises. Delicious food,
relaxing atmosphere, dancing, horse
back riding on prem
accommodations.

modern

Greyhound, Adirendack Trailway end
Short Line Buses step at our Entrance.

REEZEMONT PARK

ARMONK N.Y

35 MILES FROM NEW YORK CITY
“A Coun Estate in the Scenic
Hilis of Wostchester County”

The nearest of all nearby resorts. Exclusive lese-

tion. Lururtously furnished. Dignified. All eperd
activities. Excellent cuisine.

Phone Armonk Village 955

« STAR LAKE CAMP

In the Glorious Adirondacks
Retween Thousand Islands and Ausable
Chasm. A marvelous pleasure play a4
1,800 feet of elevation and right on "the lake
with plenty of gorgeous Bunge-
lows and lodges with hot and cold running
water and conveniences. Tennis
Courts, Canoeing, Swimming, Handball,
Baseball, Ping Pong, Fishing, Saddle Horses,
Golf, Cards, Dancing, etc. Interesting one
day trips arranged. Delicious wholesome
meals. Dietary Laws. Rates: $45, $50, $55

per person.
NOW OPEN
Send for Booklet — New York Office
320 BROADWAY Room 906 CO 7-2667
Sundays, Evenings, Holidays — PR 41390

UNE 28, 1947

Printed io the U.S. A by STEINZERG Pumss, [NO., Morgan & Johnson Arcs, Brooklya 6, N. 1 <i im8

What every bride

shouldn? know:

Waar it feels like to be poor...

What it feels like when your first-born needs an
expensive doctor—and you can’t afford it...

What it’s like wanting a home of your own...
and never quite getting it...

What it’s like having your kids grow up not
knowing whether they'll ever get to college...

What it’s like to see your friends able to travel
abroad—but never you...

What it’s like to have to keep telling yourself,
“He may not have money, but he’s my Joe.”

There is no cure-all for all these things.

But the closest thing to it for most of us is some-
thing so simple you almost forget it’s there.

It is the Payroll Savings Plan. Or—for people
not on payrolls—the new Bond-a-Month Plan at
your bank.

Each is a plan for buying U.S. Savings Bonds
automatically.

Either one of these plans helps you—as does no
other system we know of—to save money regularly,
automatically, and surely, for the things you want.

So if you’re a newlywed or know one, here’s a
bit of friendly advice to take or give:

Get on the Payroll Savings Plan where you
work or the Bond-a-Month Plan where you bank.

It’s one of the finest things you can do to start
married life right.

Save the easy, automatic way...with U.S. Savings Bonds

Contributed by this magazine

in co-operation with the Magazine Publishers of America as a public service.

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Texts

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "The Nation 1947-06-28: Vol 164 Iss 26"

See other formats